On May 16, Islamic militants kidnapped Egyptian soldiers travelling back from a regular leave to their base in Sinai. The
kidnappers demanded the release of some of their own. These
detained militants had been “convicted of killing five security officers and
one civilian during a string of attacks in June/July 2011 on an Al-Arish city
police station and a North Sinai branch of the Bank of Alexandria. (http://bit.ly/10GyLr6)
Consequences: soldiers and officers in various regions in
Egypt opted to demonstrate and go on strike until their kidnapped mates in
Sinai are returned; they also closed the borders with Gaza. In a further escalation, and in a telephone call to OnTv,
the father of one of the kidnapped first pleaded with Morsi and the army to
rescue his son, but then threatened that the kidnapped man’s family and village
are willing to take matters into their hands.
Who is to blame? Who is the victim and who is the offender
in this situation?
Baggage handlers at Cairo Airport went on strike on May
18 to demand stronger safety measures after their coworker died when a conveyer
belt used to unload luggage fell on his head and killed him. (http://abcn.ws/10OdtZJ) Twenty flights left
Cairo airport with no luggage on board. The delay in handling the luggage got the
baggage-less travellers angry, and they, too, took matters into their own hands
and barged into the security’s offices in the hopes of . . . ? I really don’t
know what they were hoping to achieve.
In several incidents across Egypt thieves were lynched
when vigilante villagers took it upon themselves to fix a wrong. “Had el
Haraba,” as it is called has become an ordinary way to get back at those who
erred and those who don’t accept a person’s way. (http://bbc.in/134V0hK)
This may be
a consequence to Article 37 from the Criminal Apprehension Law, which allows
citizens to apprehend crime committers. The article does not give citizens the
right to prosecute the guilty, but in Egypt things must be exaggerated and
taken to extreme measures; it is also a sign of absolute anarchy. Again who is
the victim and who is the offender here?
These are three examples of acute cases of lawlessness.
Egyptians have turned against the system—be it the leaders, the government, the
army, or the police force—doubting its ability to fix the wrong. This, of
course, is in addition to the hundreds of strikes that lead the country to
impasse and total chaos. Strikes, demonstrations, rallies, and protests on most
fronts ask for rights and protection, while at some fronts demand retaliation
and seek vendettas.
For over two years the norm has been to take matters
into one’s personal hands to achieve redemption and satisfaction whatever the
case may be. We all know these cases, so we don’t need to repeat them, but in
all, the picture of the victimized and the victimizer becomes so
blurry that we are unable to identify or distinguish one from the other.
Both the system and the people are to blame here.
First, the system is to blame for not fixing the wrong
quickly enough resulting in outright reactionary violence from the victims
themselves. The victimized don’t believe in the will of those governing.
Many a case was not solved; many a case remains unexplainable. The reason why
the soldiers in Sinai are protesting this time round is that it has been over a
year since 16 Egyptian soldiers and officers were killed, and to date no
closure.
But at the same time, Egyptians are to blame, too. Lynching
anyone even if this someone committed a heinous crime is an act against the
country and other Egyptians.
Can Morsi fix all our troubles and the Egyptian mindset soon before
things turn sour? I doubt it. Morsi hasn’t the intention or the power to do so.
But will strikes and lynching get these people’s rights back? I doubt that,
too.
But we can’t deny that the previous regime is also to
blame. Mubarak had over 30 years to fix the ways of Egyptians from grounds up.
He didn’t. These attitudes, though they have increased after the revolution had
existed before.
The
blame here falls on Egyptians who let lawlessness rule. The newly acquired zeal
to defy the system has taken over. It looks as though there is no way out of
this one unless Egyptians realize that without a law to preside over Egypt,
there is no Egypt.
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