Egypt

Egypt Heads to the Polls: The Muslim Brotherhood Prepares for Power

Via Spiegel Online, By Ulrike Putz in Cairo

When Hosni Mubarak became president of Egypt in 1981, Mahmoud Ali was just a normal Egyptian teenager. He was, though, a bit more religious than others. During the 30 years of Mubarak's iron-fisted rule, Ali became one of the many in his country who experienced the regime's despotism first hand.

His beliefs considered suspect, Ali was repeatedly taken into custody, often arrested at dawn and whisked away. He would be imprisoned for a week at a time, hung up by his ankles and give electric shocks. But Ali did not turn his back on his faith, prayed regularly and eventually became an Imam. Along they way, he often took on tasks for the forbidden Muslim Brotherhood.

Ali was one of the thousands of Egyptians who, when protests erupted on the banks of the Nile in January, threw themselves into the struggle. Finally, it seemed, there was an opportunity to put an end to the hated Mubarak regime. "In the mosques where I lead prayers, I mobilized people to go out onto Tahrir Square," the 42-year-old Ali says. The day that Mubarak was forced to step down, he adds, was one of the happiest in his life.

Now, though, Ali is in eager anticipation of the next, greatest day of his life: "The day on which we will introduce Sharia law in Egypt."

Mahmoud Ali is one of the 15 million Egyptians who, according to conservative estimates, will cast their vote for the Freedom and Justice Party in the coming weeks. While there are no reliable public opinion surveys, forecasts indicate that the party, founded by the Muslim Brotherhood, could end up with 30 percent of the vote -- and thus become the largest group in Egyptian parliament. Some observers even think that the Islamist party might be chosen by up to half of the 50 million Egyptians eligible to vote. Either way, it is clear that, by the end of the long and complicated voting procedure, the Muslim Brotherhood will emerge in a position of power.

'No Turkish Model'

The Muslim Brotherhood was founded in 1928 as a charity organization, but the group was forbidden in Egypt for much of Mubarak's rule due to its Islamist leanings. Its followers and sympathizers faced constant state persecution. Today, the group is the most important representative in the country of political Islam -- though it remains unclear exactly what political goals they are pursuing. It is one of the peculiarities of this election that it will likely be won by a party that seems not to quite know what it stands for.

Many have suggested that the Muslim Brotherhood might seek to emulate the Justice and Development party of Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, which combines Islamist leanings with a market economy -- a model prized in many Muslim countries in North Africa.

But Mahmoud Ghoslan, a spokesman for the Muslim Brotherhood, told SPIEGEL ONLINE that they aren't interested. "No, we don't want the Turkish model," Ghoslan said. "In Turkey, women may go to university without a headscarf. They have adultery and homosexuality. We will not allow that in Egypt. Egypt is a Muslim country. The Sharia, the Muslim legal framework, must be the foundation for everything."

Sharia, though, isn't enough of a party platform -- and the Muslim Brotherhood have yet to provide convincing answers to questions as to how they plan to stabilize the country. Instead of explaining how

via www.spiegel.de

Why Islamists Won’t Win (Even If They Do)

Via Al Akhbar English, By As'ad Abukhalil, Angry Corner

This is the dominant story now – Islamists are winning all over the Arab world. It is not being mentioned that there are many factors working in their favor. They have been organized for decades while some leftists and liberals have just started. It is not mentioned that Islamists have been benefiting from Gulf money and have utilized that external funding effectively. It is also not being mentioned that they have been striking deals under the table with the US and European governments to reassure them not only regarding the pro-capitalist (neoliberal) policies that they would pursue, but also regarding not antagonizing Israel.

The Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood forgot about its past objection to the Egyptian-Israeli treaty, while the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood dispatched its former leader to reassure Israelis on Israeli TV. An-Nahda’s Ghannushi wanted to preserve all the key financial appointments of Bin `Ali and had dispatched the secretary general of his party to reassure Zionists in Washington think tanks. In Morocco, Bin Kiran (head of the Justice and Development Party) is a different story altogether because he has been a loyal royal Islamist who would not challenge the pro-Israeli and neoliberal policies of his master. But the story of Islamist victories may be overblown.

Islamists have not been winning more than half of the votes. It should be impossible now to reduce all Arab public opinion to religious ideologies. In Tunisia, the Islamists won some 41 percent of the vote, while their share in Morocco is around a quarter. There are other tendencies and Arabs are showing a diversity of views and choices. Once new parties emerge and make themselves known in a new political climate, the political map will change rather gradually (or maybe quickly).

But the Islamists are in a bind. The demise is rather inevitable. They can’t fulfill their promises and win. They have been striking deals with GCC countries and Western powers in contradiction with their own ideology and earlier promises. On the “morality” front, the Islamists know that they can’t push for a religious agenda as extreme as the one promised by the unelected NATO government in Libya (`Adbul-NATO could not wait before announcing this desire for the return of polygamy). They know that a morality agenda would alienate many voters (as already happened in Tunisia regarding the issue of niqab on campus) and for that they would veil their true intentions, at least for a while.

If they continue to postpone their agenda, their rank-and-file will accuse them of abandoning their principles, and if they push ahead with their agendas, they will alienate voters and also alienate their new friends and sponsors in Western capitals. In some cases as in Egypt, the Islamists may have struck secret deals with the military, which can often act as the enforcer of Western agendas during the time of transition (or even during the time of democracy).

The Islamists are stuck. They will most likely be accused by their supporters of deviating from their principles. That accusation will stick and sting: nothing has damaged the fortunes of Arab nationalists parties than the perception that those parties, like the Ba`th, have contradicted all of their principles in power. Instead of unity, they gave fragmentation; instead of freedom, they produced new torture techniques; instead of liberation of Palestine, they presided over wars that gave Israel more Arab lands. People would expect the new victors to account for their promises. Those promises are not likely to be fulfilled. Thus, they will be swept aside, either by more extreme (and principled) Islamists or by secular alternatives.

via english.al-akhbar.com

Freedom and Justice Party leads polls as vote tally continues

Via Almasry Alyoum

Photographed by Mohamed El Shamy

The Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) is leading parliamentary polls across Egypt, according to early estimates Wednesday.

Egyptians cast their ballots Monday and Tuesday in the first round of parliamentary elections, held in nine governorates. Elections will continue over several phases into January.

With the backing of the Muslim Brotherhood and its ability to organize and mobilize supporters, many expected the FJP to dominate the polls.

In Luxor, where about 80 percent of ballots have been counted, FJP appears to lead the vote, closely followed by the Salafi Nour Party. The liberal Egyptian Bloc and moderate Wasat Party won far fewer votes in that governorate. For the single-winner professional seat in the governorate, FJP candidate Abdel Mawgoud Dardeer leads over Hatem Mokhtar, the candidate from Jama'a al-Islamiya's Construction and Development Party. For the workers’ seat, Khaled Abdel Moneim Farrag, a former National Democratic Party member and a candidate for Horreya Party, seemed to be leading over Radwan Abu Qareen, a former MP.

In Port Said, 70 percent of the votes have been counted and indicators show that a run-off vote is likely between FJP candidate Akram al-Shaer and independent George Ishaq, the first coordinator for the Kefaya movement. Leftist candidate al-Badry Farghaly leads over Nour Party candidate Ali Fouda for the worker's seat. However, a run-off vote may still be needed for a conclusive win. For the list-based candidacy seats, indicators show that the FJP leads, followed by the Nour, Free Egyptian and Wasat parties.

In Cairo's eighth constituency, which includes Dar al-Salam, Misr al-Qadeema, Sayeda Zeinab, Khalifa and Moqattam, early indicators show FJP candidates Khaled Hanafy and Youssry Bayoumy lead over human rights activist Hafez Abu Seda. The Salafi Nour Party and FJP lead the party list vote, with the Egyptian Bloc and Wafd trailing behind.

In Helwan, FJP leads for list-based candidacy seats while the Nour Party and the Egyptian Bloc and the Conservative Party are competing for second place. The Wafd Party has so far only received a few votes. For the professional seat, there is strong competition between independent candidate Mostafa Bakry and Nour candidate Ahmed al-Dory.

In the fourth constituency of Nasr City, indicators show that independent candidate Amr Hamzawy is likely to win the professional seat.

In Assiut's first constituency, where 70 percent of votes have been counted, FJP leads, followed by Nour Party and the Egyptian Bloc. In the second constituency, FJP leads, followed by the Conservative Party.

In the Red Sea Governorate, FJP tops the polls, followed by the Egyptian Bloc and the Egyptian Citizen Party. For the single-winner professional seat, early results show a run-off vote is likely between FJP candidate Abdel Aziz Qatamesh and independent candidate Samir Hares.

In Kafr al-Sheikh, Nour Party appears to lead the first constituency, followed by FJP and then the Wafd Party. In the second constituency, FJP leads, followed by Nour and then Egypt National and Wafd parties.

via www.almasryalyoum.com

A billionaire trying to give Egyptians more freedom

Via The Globe and Mail, by Sonia Verma

In Canada, Naguib Sawiris is perhaps best known as the man financing upstart Canadian wireless provider Wind Mobile. In Egypt, however, he is known as the country’s richest man and most prominent Christian.

During the revolution that ousted president Hosni Mubarak from office, the 57-year-old founder of Orascom Telecom Holding played a pivotal role, negotiating between the army and the revolutionaries in a volatile vacuum of power. He subsequently founded the Free Egyptians, a liberal, secular political party that – according to the polls – will lose to the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt’s parliamentary elections on Nov. 28.

You have very strong beliefs about the future of your country but you won’t run for Parliament. Why is that?

I lead a very unorthodox lifestyle. I am not a serious guy when it comes to my private life. If I go into politics I would have to be a totally different person. I am providing financing and organizational capacity for others to run to protect my rights to have an unorthodox lifestyle. To go grab a Scotch, to look at beautiful women, to do what I want. If you want to go to the mosque, go to the mosque. If you want to go to the church, go to the church. If you want to go to the bar and have a drink, go to the bar and have a drink. I don’t like any restrictions.

Regardless of politics, you have a huge public profile, a lot of Twitter followers. I have to ask about the cartoon you posted a few months ago that caused such controversy: Mickey Mouse with a beard and Minnie Mouse in a niqab. Why did you do that? Why did you apologize?

Because it was a very stupid thing to do. If I was a Muslim and I made that joke it might have passed, but as a Christian it could be interpreted as though you are mocking another religion. When you do something stupid you have to apologize. I am absolutely not anti-Islamic. I had no idea that I would be offending Islam.

All the polls indicate The Muslim Brotherhood will win these elections. How will the secular movement move forward?

The competition is not really fair. These liberal parties are six months old. The Muslim Brotherhood, they’ve been there for years. They own infrastructure and they are being funded by Qatar by a hundred million dollars that came to them during the revolution. The fight is not fair. Our party and the liberals will be in the next Parliament too. They will not be in a majority but they will be present. They will be the opposition. They will fight against a religious state. If we have to go to the streets, we will.

What is your assessment of post-revolutionary Egypt?

I feel like we did this revolution and the outcome is not what we expected. Unless something happens to put us back on the right track, we will all be sorry. The whole West from Mr. Obama to Mr. Cameron to Mr. Sarkozy are just watching this so-called Arab Spring as bystanders. There is chaos now. We have no security. There are strikes every day. People take the law in their hand. The hotels are empty. The stock exchange has crashed. Our reserves are depleting and you have the threat of this whole area turning into another Iran. If you watch a small problem, it becomes a massive problem. If you ask me what the West should have done, they should have come to us and helped us out.

via www.theglobeandmail.com

Muslim Brotherhood Says Parliament Should Select Egypt’s Prime Minister - NYTimes.com

By David D. Kirkpatrick, via the NY Times

Ballot boxes being collected from a polling station near Tahrir Square in Cairo on Tuesday after a second day of voting in Egypt’s parliamentary elections

CAIRO — Poised to dominate Egypt’s first parliamentary elections since the ouster of President Hosni Mubarak, leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood’s political party laid down a new challenge to the authority of Egypt’s interim military rulers on Tuesday, even before polls had closed on the second day of voting.

In an interview, Essam el-Erian, a leader of the Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party, argued that the unexpectedly high turnout for the parliamentary elections indicated a popular demand for more civilian control.

Although a top general on the ruling military council said as recently as last weekend that the council would continue to choose the prime minister even after Parliament was formed, Mr. Erian argued that the turnout showed that voters wanted the new Parliament’s majority, and not the generals, to have that power, just as in other parliamentary systems.

“Millions of Egyptians voted because they wanted a strong, democratic Parliament,” Mr. Erian said.

“Any government has to have a vote of confidence from the Parliament,” he added. “That is a basic principle, even if it is not written into the law.”

His assertion is an early signal that the Brotherhood intends to use the seats it may gain in Parliament to push to limit military rule, even though it declined to join its liberal rivals in several days of street protests last week aimed at the same goal.

The Brotherhood’s position is the latest twist in a battle between the military council that took over after Mr. Mubarak’s ouster and those demanding the handover of power to civilians. The prime minister has served at the pleasure of the military council since Mr. Mubarak’s exit, and the military’s latest appointment, Prime Minister Kamal el-Ganzouri, has made it clear that he, too, reports to the generals.

Also at stake in the tug of war between the generals and their critics over choosing the prime minister is influence over the drafting of a new constitution.

The generals have already attempted to put their own stamp on the document, moving to provide themselves with permanent political powers and protection from civilian scrutiny. But the Brotherhood, the Islamist group that is Egypt’s strongest political force, also wants to exert its influence through Parliament.

With its party positioned to dominate the elections, the Brotherhood stayed on the sidelines of a wave of protests against military rule last week, in part for fear the tumult could upset the vote.

Mr. Erian made his comments in an interview in the Freedom and Justice Party’s dingy headquarters in Cairo, where he had gathered with other party leaders to await news from the polls and an atmosphere of barely checked celebration prevailed.

Voting continued to go smoothly Tuesday, defying predictions of chaos and violence. Though ballot boxes were left overnight in the polling places, there were no reports of sabotage Tuesday. State-run news organizations reported estimates that turnout was above 70 percent.

The chance to cast a free vote appeared to drain some of the energy and crowds from a protest in Tahrir Square, where clashes between protesters and street vendors broke out Tuesday night. Witnesses reported gunshots and a few gasoline bombs, though it was unclear if anyone was hurt

via www.nytimes.com

In Bleak Cairo, a Call for Optimism

Via NY Times, by Wael Ghoneim

PEOPLE in the street ask me: “Where is Egypt heading? Were we mocked?” They lament, “The revolution is stolen; the revolution is dead; the revolution is lost. We were deceived. History is repeating itself.”

Indeed, as Egyptians went to the polls yesterday for the first parliamentary elections since President Hosni Mubarak resigned in February, there was much to be pessimistic about: polarization, alienation, the absence of any clear sign that the military council would hand over authority to an elected president next year, uncertainty over the outcome of the election and a crisis of confidence within political movements and parties.

Months have gone by without any meaningful change in how the country is governed. The military is not listening to the angry youths who led the revolution; some have been arrested, tried in military courts and thrown into military prisons. Leaders of the former regime have been tried in ordinary courts, despite the gravity of their crimes against the nation. Each day that passes without a clear road map for radical change in the management of our country leads young people to feel more frustrated and driven to escalate the situation.

But I believe that anyone participating in effecting change cannot be a pessimist. This is why, when it comes to Egypt’s future, I am an optimist. Revolution is a process; its failure and success cannot be measured after only a few months, or even years. We must continue to believe.

Egyptians have many demands. We want the military to quickly present a timetable for a complete transfer of power to civil authorities elected by the people: the People’s Assembly (lower house), the Shura Council (upper house) and the presidency. We want the security system to be rebuilt, based on respect for human rights. We want the military to open dialogue with the young people, and to increase transparency by communicating openly through the media. We want a strong government with the authority to fight rampant corruption within its own institutions.

My parents grew up in a corrupt regime, a security state dominated by one man, without any opportunity to express themselves. They were taught to chant proverbs like “live your life and mind your own business,” “one who fears, lives in peace,” “walk alongside the wall,” “cowardice is the highest morality.”

A mentality born of repression cannot be changed overnight. And yet I am optimistic, for the following reasons.

First, a large sector of Egyptian society, especially the younger generation, has overcome its fears to speak out about issues that only a few months ago would have been too frightening and intimidating to discuss openly. Even if, as critics say, they number merely 1 million people — 1 million out of 82 million — they constitute a critical mass with the ability to influence the inner circles of power, and the potential to become the conscience of a nation.

A second factor is the spread of mass media. In the past, the success or failure of a revolution depended partly on who controlled the media. Today more than 15 million Egyptians are connected to the Internet, where they can monitor the situation, speak out against corruption and resist any attempt to brainwash them with deceitful propaganda. With ease, young people can make and share short films, spread ideas or write songs for their cause.

Third, a new sector of civil society has emerged, working quietly to redirect the country’s course. Previously, most volunteer work was in the form of short-term aid to the poor. Such charity, benevolent as it was, failed to provide real solutions to the underlying problems of joblessness, powerlessness and voicelessness. Now many groups are starting to apply systematic pressure on the authorities. Labor and agriculture u

via www.nytimes.com

Sexual Harassment in Egypt-- التحرش فئ مصر!!

Mona el Tahawy doesn’t really need an introduction. If you follow her twitter account, you would know that she rarely stays put but is usually on a plane between countries, voicing her adamant views. Still, if you don’t know her, Mona Eltahawy is a born Egyptian, from Port Said, an award-winning columnist and an international public speaker on Arab and Muslim issues.  She also talks about the rights of women and other marginalized groups. She is based in New York.

Mona El Tahawi was captured during the events in Tahrir and its proximities on November 23. Beaten and sexually harassed, she was detained for 12 hours by the Egyptian police. The American-Egyptian said: “I am speaking out to shame them for what they did. As I was being assaulted, it was as if I was set on by a bunch of beasts. (Daily Mail Reporter, November 25)

Mona had both her arms broken, and she tweeted a photo of her casts. "The past 12 hrs were painful and surreal, but I know I got off much much easier than so many other Egyptians," she wrote, a notion that many Egyptians and I share with her.

I find Mona’s sexual encounter with the police force atrocious. No woman, or man for that matter, should endure such brutality or humiliation. However, I don’t think that the police force is the only group that considers women a free-for-all commodity if one falls in their grip. Mona was a victim similar to many. Amidst chaos and destruction, when a person is isolated from his norm, if he is egged on by comrades, or while off the beaten path (as in the Abu Gharib detention camps, for instance) people change into animals. Don’t get me wrong; this is not an aberration on the part of the force, it is a common act in the Egyptian police force, but it occurs elsewhere too, even in the best of places—the Tahrir Square.

Have abusive incidents escalated lately or has this always been the case? Has it got anything to do with the current situation in Egypt? Is documented exposure to such events becoming more commonly available? Has social media anything to do with all this? My response to all the above questions is affirmative. In any case, as with all vices, instability and insecurity propagate atrocities and escalate them.   

Mona is not the only one to have been sexually assaulted; France 3 TV reporter Caroline Sinz  too was abused while covering events in Tahir Square.   “I was beaten by a group of youngsters and adults who tore my clothes.” Then they molested her in a way that “would be considered rape,” she said. “Some people tried to help me but failed. I was lynched. It lasted three quarters of an hour before I was taken out. I thought I was going to die.” (Chew, Kristina. Care2. November 25, 2011)

Then we have the case of Lara Logan, of the CNN from a while back. In Tahrir amidst the frenzy that broke after Mubarak’s stepping down, a group of at least 200 men beat her, pinched her and tore at her clothes in a 40-minute attack that only ended when a group of women came to her aid. (Daily Mail Reporter, April 29, 2011)   

On a more positive note, women have definitely put their foot down and said enough is enough. On Twitter, many women, including Mona Eltahawy herself, have been voicing their disgust at “some” men in the Square, not because it is the Tahrir per se, because Tahrir is mainly very safe, but because it is a spot where an extensive group of men and women congregate.

It seems that many men had thought that women in Tahrir are up for grabs, no pun intended. And the Tahrir women reacted. First, they came up with a twitter account called harassmap “Catch an abuser.” Through that site, they map out where the harassers are and guide one another on how to avoid them.

But it is still happening, “Sexual harassment was over the top yesterday. Our beloved youth has 2 do smth in-order to protect women and girls” (SarahKadry). Another one said, “An organized harassing gang focuses on one woman, walks behind her, and prods her as though by mistake for a 100 metres or so, passes her by, and then another one takes over”(harassmap).

الميدان فيه عصابات تحرش منظمة" بينشنوا على واحدة وواحد يمشي وراها وكإنه بيخبط فيها بالغلط مسافة ١٠٠-٢٠٠ متر ويختفي ويستلم منه واحد أو أك

 The funniest but feistiest tweet said, “Today’s harassment should not stop you from showing up in Tahrir tomorrow. Bring your nail file, have your pins ready in your purse, and the moment the harasser comes close to you, stop him from being fertile anymore.“ I truly hope it is a joke.

بالنسبة للبنات والتحرشات اللى حصلتلهم النهاردة.. متخليش ده سبب يمنعك تنزلي. مبرد ضوافرك فى ايدك دبابيسك في شنطتك. اللى يهوبلك اقطعيله الخلف اما

What happened to Mona Eltahawy is a disgrace indeed since the force that was supposed to protect her was the one that harmed her—حاميها حراميها. However, Mona suffered as many other women in Tahrir do under the hands of regular folks, too. It is a human phenomenon not a police vendetta. It is also a mob-like mentality. And I don’t agree that the leaders of the police force would have sanctioned their men to do so.

However, with the outspoken nature of the young women in Tahrir, their will to voice their indignation, and with voices such as Mona Eltahawy to back them up, I’m sure that this trend will be overcome—I’ve seen Mona on four programs so far including CNN, Egyptian TV channels, and http://www.democracynow.org/2011/11/28/as_egypt_holds_vote_journalist_mona.

Yes, this too shall pass.

قالوا مجنون الئ.......

 

Noam Chomsky: That's what's happening in Egypt

 

Unholy Alliance: Egypt's Military & The Muslim Brotherhood

Via The Huffington Post, by Amb. Marc Ginsberg, Former U.S. Ambassador to Morocco

Despite protestations of its purported political neutrality Egypt's besieged military leadership has been secretly funneling financial, food, and security support to Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood and its allied Salafist parties in the run up to next week's parliamentary elections.

The assistance takes the form of "walk around" money, clothing and food giveaways secretly funneled to the coffers of the Brotherhood's front party -- the Freedom and Justice Party, the Construction and Development Party, as well as to allied Salafist Parties, including Al Nour, Al-Asalah, Al-Fadilah, Al Islah and others -- in a bid to buy votes and provide Islamist parties a military supported upper hand in the upcoming parliamentary elections..

The military leadership has not only channeled financial support to the Islamists, it has also secretly collaborated with Salafists who have attacked Copts throughout Egypt in a show of support for more punitive discriminatory acts against Egypt's Coptic minority to curry further favor with Salafists.

Hundreds of Copts were attacked by unknown assailants en route to Cairo's Tahrir Square on November 18th the second night of demonstrations this month while security forces stood by. This latest attack comes in the wake of October's attack by the army which used live fire and drove military vehicles into a crowd of Copts protesting a rash of attacks on Copts and Coptic churches, killing 25 innocent protestors.

According to information obtained from a reliable European military intelligence source with whom I met in Turkey a few days ago, an emissary of The Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF) met secretly with representatives of the Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamist oriented political movements last April to establish local political "action committee" bank accounts to funnel an underground supply chain of financial and commodity support to local Islamist political organizations throughout Egypt outside the prying eyes of Cairo-based media. Hundreds of local Islamist political organization chapters throughout Egypt have been buying votes courtesy of military provided financial and food handouts.

While it is impossible to determine the exact extent of the financial, clothing and food transfers, I was told by a prominent Egyptian journalist who is trying to uncover the magnitude of the payouts that it amounts to "millions of dollars." The military is not the sole source of funds to Islamists parties, which are also receiving funds from Egyptian businessmen trying to buy favor with the likely winners of Egypt's parliamentary elections, and charitable donations from wealthy Saudis.

The SCAF's surreptitious political maneuvering favoring Islamists over more secular political movements is based on one simple equation -- the military is determined to prevent secularists from gaining a parliamentary majority which would likely impair its insatiable appetite for controlling Egypt's national budget and its own extensive business operations. It is determined to prevent a civilian government from interfering with its cherished prerogatives.

Moreover, the vast majority of Egypt's rank and file soldiers come from more rural, conservative parts of Egypt, where support for Islamic parties is most pronounced. The SCAF is betting that its considerable support for Islamists will translate into long term loyalty among Egypt's post revolutionary conscripts as an insurance policy against potential efforts to interfere with the military's jealously guarded prerogatives.

The outbreak of unrest throughout Cairo in recent days orchestrated largely by Egypt's more secular, liberal-oriented political supporters has clearly shocked the SCAF. Anger at Egypt's military rulers reached a boiling point when, in addition to delaying reforms and presidential elections, the SCAF-contr

via www.huffingtonpost.com