Egypt

Cairo, again and again

As I get ready to travel back to Vancouver, Canada, the same emotions that engulf me every time I’m about to leave Cairo are tickling my senses again. I’ve lived all my adult life abroad. However, in the last 20 years or so, I shifted schedules, courses, and life in general so as to spend a good portion of the year, in particular winters, in Egypt. Having yet again spent winter in Cairo for the umpteenth time, here I am about to leave. Today I contemplate my goings and comings, my attachment to this city, and my emotions in general.

You would think that someone who had lived all her adult life elsewhere would’ve by now distanced herself from or forgotten about the birthplace called Cairo. Quite the contrary as the years go by, this intangible, unexplainable bond grows stronger and stronger. I used to think my visits were connected to family and parental obligations and devotion. At least it isn’t so now since most of my extended family passed away. Is it age related then? Is it childhood memories and school friends? Is it attachment to a birthplace plain and simple? What exactly makes Cairo such a dear place to my heart?

Let’s be honest, Cairo, to onlookers, definitely has its drawbacks; in fact, it is not the most inviting city. I won’t go into explanatory details; this is not today’s topic. Suffice to say Cairo lacks much.

Having said that, Vancouver, Canada, has been my home for a good thirty years now. It is the most beautiful city on earth; it holds one spellbound by the spectacular scenery: the mountains transcending the ocean and the pristine inlets zigzagging amidst breathtaking lush greenery complement an astounding panorama. This while those who live in Vancouver leave it pleasingly immaculate, very appealing to the eyesight.

And yet, year in year out, I pack my bags and venture on a 24-hour trip across oceans and lands to spend my winters where? In chaotic Cairo. As I head there, I’m all excited; as I head out, I’m not as excited. As Canadians find solace in cabins far away from civilization, I find mine amidst one of the noisiest cities worldwide. Why?

Well, under the layers of formidable challenges, Cairo has a charm like no other. It’s a city that does not sleep. One may wake up early or late depending on the person himself or herself, but sleep Cairo does not. In no other city does the thick of things occur in the late evenings such as 8 or 9 p.m. Then, its monuments, its history, its souks, its inhabitants, its noise level and its vibrancy are unparalleled anywhere else. As for the sun, well, it is there, all the time; ok, let’s be fair— 99 percent of the time.

The truth of the matter though neither history nor souks hold me close to it. I wouldn’t go off to visit the Pyramids or Khan El Khalili on every trip if at all. Besides, the night life does not attract me one bit, but a deep-rooted connection exists nonetheless. Again, how come?



Still, venturing out into Cairo’s vibrancy is like no other experience. Here’s a glimpse of a trip along a typical Cairo Street. Nozha Street, a few blocks from my apartment building, is, at any point of the day, throbbing with activity and pulsing with commotion. Adel’s fool and felafel store could be the first stop: one can buy not only sandwiches but also fried felafel and fool tubs to last forever. Then Amm Ahmed, the vegetable vendor, comes next. Catch him early in the morning before he gets frazzled. Buy zucchini, its florals on; the biggest cauliflowers, or cabbages; the most-flavourful tomatoes; and blood oranges—all dirt cheap.

Continue walking. Buy ground coffee at the coffee grinding store next door, get a set of keys cut at the key cutter, fix your watch, and get the darn in your blouse fixed, all at stores within a short distance from one another. Scrutinize the fish displayed at the fishmonger. You can call later to get the catch of the day delivered—prepared. On your way back, stop at the pomegranate seller sitting at the curb. She sells it peeled and ready to eat or juice.

You can also have all this delivered if you are not the wandering person. Talking about delivery, in no other city can you have just about anything you want delivered: vegetables, groceries, meats, medicine, lab tests, ironed and dry cleaned clothes, and just about anything else you deem necessary. Om Sabah delivers arugula, spring onions, and parsley to the door. If her regular customer is out, she hangs her delivery on the door knob and leaves.

These wonderful attributes aren’t available anywhere else, but there is more to Cairo than all this. In Vancouver, I live a precious nonintrusive life; rarely does anyone knock on my door. I fill my life with the stuff that I personally find special. If I am an athlete, I’d be immersed in that domain; if, an avid writer, I’d be engrossed in that; if, a gardener, I’d be in heaven. 


In Cairo, you are rarely alone; you are surrounded by helpers, busy bodies, a support team, friends, and relatives. You are accompanied on your shopping sprees, on your doctor’s visit, and while walking around the track at the club. In Cairo you socialize like in no other place. Hence, you need to make sure you have enough decent outfits, you are always groomed and presentable, and you are willing to place things that you always do alone on the back burner. And on these errands and amongst these folks, you are at ease and uninhibited. 

I realize that many Cairenes would consider my love affair with Cairo somewhat of a hallucination, but I assure them it is deeply felt.

Cairo, I will miss you. Until next year.

I'm for the Arab Spring -- But Not in Jordan

So true, "Reforms are needed in all aspects of the country, but that doesn't mean we need a revolution."

This is a middle-section excerpt. Read the whole article here. The Huffington Post, by Duha Sa’fan

MARCO LONGARI VIA GETTY IMAGES

When the first protests started in Tunisia, I didn't really believe that they could make a difference. I didn't really pay much attention. But my opinion totally changed when the Egyptian revolution started, because I was aware of the terrible situation in Egypt -- not only the lack of democracy but also the horrible quality of life many were subjected to. I was really impressed with their revolution. I was amazed that something this big could come out of my generation. Watching the events in Egypt unfold made me seriously imagine the prospect of a new Middle East with governments that would reflect the choices and needs of the people -- governments that could say no to external powers if they challenged established beliefs and norms. I was really moved by these prospects. I was excited that for once we could have influential systems in the Arab world that could actually play a positive role in the Arab cause, not in the West's interests. Egypt itself represents power and strategy for many in the Arab world, so after the revolution many hoped that the new Egyptian system could help solve regional Arab conflicts -- like the situation in Gaza -- without compromising Arab interests.

Sadly, the revolutions didn't go exactly as planned. Protests that began peacefully were soon dragged into violence by one of the sides or both, with variations of severity. But I understand why. Neither the people nor the governments understood how democracy works, and they didn't really see that before. So deep down even though the Arab Spring can appear to be unsuccessful and the cause of so much death and misery, I still believe that the road to freedom is not paved in marble and reaching a democratic state can take a while.

Yet I'm also conflicted. Although I really support these revolutions, my country, Jordan, has suffered a lot because of them. The number of refugees in Jordan is huge -- over 900,000 Syrians alone -- not to mention refugees from Iraq and other countries. Jordan is suffering from huge economic losses because of the refugee camps that lack adequate external support. At the same time, walking the streets of Amman, you realize that they're also overcrowded. You can sense the increase in real estate prices and the frustration at the hiring preference of a refugee over a Jordanian because of lower rates. The refugees flooded into our country, some fleeing the repercussions of failed Arab Spring revolutions, and the impact isn't always easy to deal with. In spite of all this, I still believe in the Arab Spring movement as a whole, but I think these kinds of movements need to be more nuanced based on the situation at hand. I don't believe that Jordanians must revolt, even though we are facing many difficulties and suffering from a lack of services. Reforms are needed in all aspects of the country, but that doesn't mean we need a revolution.

Reforms are needed in all aspects of the country, but that doesn't mean we need a revolution.

This is a contradiction that I live with on a daily basis because I really care about the interests of the surrounding Arab countries. In the beginning, I completely believed that people should go after their freedom, even if the process involves violence. But from time to time I think to myself, is it worth all the losses and the innocent lives? Is it worth destroying a whole country and its history? If you ask me now, I'd say no, it isn't worth it. They should've stayed as peaceful as possible, but because they were already engaged in war, or a state of war, perhaps there was no choice but to continue fighting.

In another respect, however, my opinion is more concrete, more definite. I'm against revolution in my country. Why? First of all, because the political situation in Jordan is not as bad as in Egypt or Syria or other countries. We've always had a parliament, there is always a discussion about decision making, and most of the time, anyone who does something wrong gets punished. We never heard the terrible stories of torture here that we have become accustomed to hearing about our neighbor Syria long before the revolution. It was known that if someone gets into any kind of prison in Syria -- even by mistake -- he will probably be lost forever. The inspiration of the Syrian revolution was actually for that purpose -- to change what had been going on with impunity.

Jordan is not perfect. We have corruption and other major problems, but they can be solved very peacefully because the government actually listens to its citizens. At the very beginning of the Arab Spring revolutions, there were many protests in Jordan demanding reformation, and the government did take a few steps toward trying to please the public. That didn't happen in Syria. It didn't happen in Egypt. And that's why things got much bigger. And it's why a revolution in Jordan would only cause destruction. That's not to say that the spirit of revolution didn't necessarily impact Jordan positively. Now everyone criticizes the government harshly without fear, so there is touch of political resurgence here, too.
As I reflect on the contradictions of this important movement in my region's history five years later, I can't help but recall the West's role in these revolutions and my frustration as a result. Western nations always interfere with a country in the midst of revolutions, and they do so looking for their economic or strategic interests in the region. None of them actually care about the freedom of the Arab nation. When the Arab Spring revolutions began five years ago, the West didn't care about freedom of speech in Libya, Tunisia or Egypt. Western countries interfered because of their own interests -- petrol, the security of Israel and others. And because their interests in Syria weren't worth risking for what awaited them there, they left Syrians to burn. No problem.

Today, the repercussions of the decisions and indecisions during the Arab Spring continue to take shape. What irritates me is that the West always interferes in the name of humanity, but humans are what it cares least about. The war against the so-called Islamic State is actually taking the lives of innocent Syrians who are already suffering from two groups: the regime and ISIS. The West only used human rights as an excuse to interfere. The double standards are obvious: a movement of executions in Saudi Arabia will be globally criticized and serious action will be taken, but the massacres that Syrians are facing every day aren't worth interfering for and the suppression of opposition voices in Egypt goes completely ignored because the actual Egyptian government aligns with Western interests.

It's a bit depressing, to be honest, but I will never lose my faith in this generation. I will keep my hopes up for a better future, for Jordan and for my fellow Arabs around the region.

via www.huffingtonpost.com

Leo Doherty: Now that Egypt is stable, let’s help it succeed

A breath of fresh air after the fuming hatred we have been seeing from western media. 

Conservative Home 

Leo Docherty is Director of the Conservative Middle East Council and a former soldier.

In Cairo last weekend, the prevalent mood among the many politicians, business people, journalists, government officials and taxi drivers I spoke to was a mixture of relief and apprehension; relief that stability has returned to Egypt after five years of unprecedented political upheaval, and apprehension about the huge challenges that face the Arab world’s most populous country.

I share the Egyptian sense of relief. Stability is a scarce commodity in the Middle East, and Egypt has emerged from a tumultuous period of political chaos in remarkably good shape. This is especially remarkable given the disastrous outcomes in other countries swept along in the wave of Arab uprisings of 2011. Syria and Yemen are consumed by war. Da’esh terrorises a swathe of Iraq and Syria. Egypt’s neighbour Libya is a failed state riven by warring militias and jihadists.

Egypt came very close to going down the same road. The country’s brief period of Muslim Brotherhood rule was a disaster – for its economy, its security and its society. That stability and security has returned to Egypt is something for which we should all be very grateful. Egypt’s Coptic Christian population of some 10 million are particularly grateful that their rights and religious freedom are now respected, which is particularly important at a time when Christians elsewhere in the Middle East are a fleeing their homelands.

That Egypt has emerged intact from the chaos of recent years perhaps reveals something about the cultural depth of Egyptian society. Egyptian civilization is five thousand years old. One in four Arabs is Egyptian. It is the cultural and historical lodestar of the Middle East and has the capacity also to be the region’s political leader. A stable Egypt that is a friend and ally to the UK and the West is in the best interest of everyone.

Stability has returned but huge challenges remain. Security is first and foremost. At the end of 2010, I travelled with a group of friends from Cairo to Gaza – a six hour overland drive in an unprotected minibus through the Sinai peninsula. Such a journey today would be unthinkable due to the rise of a Jihadist insurgency in the North-Eastern corner of Sinai – exacerbated by Libya’s descent into political chaos in 2011, and support from Hamas via tunnels in Gaza and the reported release of hundreds of jihadi fighters from Egypt’s jails by the Muslim Brotherhood government of 2012-13.

Centred on Rafah and the North-Eastern corner of Sinai, the area affected represents only a tiny proportion of the Sinai Peninsula’s vast land mass, but it nevertheless represents a significant security challenge and one which the Egyptian military is fighting hard. And we must do all we can – through expertise and technology – to assist them in this fight, knowing that we face the same jihadist threat on the streets of London and beyond.

Most importantly, on the economic front, we must seek to urgently resume British flights to the Sharm el Sheikh resort, suspended in November last year after the tragic downing of the Russia Metrojet over Sinai by a suspected Da’esh bomb. The huge importance of British tourism to the Egyptian economy and the painful impact of the suspension cannot be overstated – tourism constitutes 25 per cent of Egyptian GDP and British tourists alone make up five percent.

The labour intensive nature of tourism – in a country with a population rapidly moving towards 100 million and chronic unemployment – makes it even more important. Millions of Egyptians depend directly on income from tourism to feed and educate their families. Economic prosperity is a crucial weapon in the fight against terrorism. In a region where jihadist extremists prey on impressionable and jobless young men, economic prosperity and growing employment opportunities for young Egyptians are the foundation of its security.

But to grow its economy into the future Egypt need to tackle some very tough dilem

mas. For decades, its growing population has been sheltered from market forces by a state that is an overbearing regulatory force and the country’s primary employer. Economic reform is sorely needed to encourage foreign direct investment and to allow entrepreneurialism and employment to flourish. But the risks of freeing up the economy – of ending subsidies on fuel, electricity and food stuffs, slashing taxes and, most critically in the medium term, of devaluing the Egyptian pound and letting it float on the free market – are significant. If sudden fluctuations in the exchange rate push up the price the price of bread, the Egyptian street will be outraged and – if the last five years are anything to go by – might take to the streets.

President Al Sisi and his government have a fiendishly difficult balancing act to perform: of maintaining stability and order in the short term against taking the risks of necessary longer term reforms. We must do all we can to help Egypt achieve this balancing act, for its sake and ours.

via www.conservativehome.com

Did the January 25 Revolution change Egyptians?

Ahram Online, by Azza Radwan Sedky

Tomorrow marks the fifth anniversary of the January 25 Revolution. As the years pass rapidly by, we sometimes forget who we were then, and don’t recognisee who we have become.

The question is whether Egyptians have changed in this short span of history or not. Another pressing question is whether this change, if indeed it occurred, was for the better or for the worse.

In 2011, as Tahrir Square filled to the brim with activists calling for change, the majority of Egyptians, perturbed and distressed, stayed put and uninvolved, preferring to safeguard their homes from marauders and to watch Al Jazeera from the comfort of their homes.

By the time 30 June rolled around, Egyptians were ready to partake in the ousting process, having turned Al Jazeera off for good. Since then, change continues to take place. Today, Egyptians are acutely aware, intensely critical, and exceedingly outspoken, but more importantly they have fallen in love with their Egypt once more.

Prior to 25 January Egyptians had a depoliticised approach. They knew things weren’t right but hardly ever thought of effecting change; though disgruntled, they accepted their fate as irreversible.

The end result was that they were completely unconcerned with where Egypt was heading. Today these same Egyptians are cognisant of all happenings. This awareness is not restricted to intellectuals, but it extends to the masses: workers, farmers, and tradespeople.

Start a conversation with a taxi driver, and he will quickly respond with factual details. He may be worried about the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and about western and north-eastern borders. He may realise how historic the visit of the president of China to Egypt is. He may see the bigger picture, and how some nations would like to mould Egypt to their liking.

In the meantime, he expects the president, government, and members of parliament to be dedicated and loyal Egyptians, fit for the positions they hold.

This acute awareness has its drawbacks, too. As Egyptians hunger for knowledge, they fall victim to fabricated stories and photoshopped photos. And once they don’t see eye-to-eye with someone, suspicion prevails.

Today they may respect a person; tomorrow they may consider him, or her, a traitor. Many distinguished society figures were jerked from love to hate, appreciated at one point, but denounced at another.

Egyptians are critical not only of one another but also of officials. If someone is unable to deliver, they cast him, or her, as a loser. With social media offering them a window to fan their criticism, they flag the slip-ups and the blunders. The call for the governor of Alexandria’s resignation is a case in point.

One other change that occurred with the January 25 Revolution is how exceedingly outspoken Egyptians became. Today they are bold enough to say what they please about whomever they please, whether they are prestigious presidents or prominent nations.

This, too, has its drawbacks—respect towards those who were once respected is out of the window, and civility has become a trait of the past.

But the most noteworthy change is in the newfound zeal for everything and anything Egyptian. Of course, the faultfinders, those who exude negativity, remain steadfast in their complaints and disgruntlement, but this new breed of Egyptians who focus on the positive, loving Egypt unconditionally, is worth noticing.

Today, Egyptians take pride in all successful stories: the young taekwondo and squash champions; the diaspora who prove themselves abroad; the many esteemed women who joined the 2016 parliament; the non-permanent UN Security Council seat Egypt secured; the exotic beaches and picturesque spots all over Egypt; and, more importantly, the Egyptian army’s guarding of borders and fight against enemies.

This stance is not out of nothing; it is the result of many stockpiled events equal to the rungs of a ladder, each rung taking Egyptians a step further up towards the state in which they find themselves today.

The January 25 Revolution initiated the change by giving Egyptians a voice. It allowed them to speak out and demand improvements if nothing else. Then the despair associated with Morsi’s year of reign told them that they were about to lose the Egypt they knew for good. This utter hopelessness translated to love for their about-to-go-astray homeland.

Two turbulent years were followed by another Egyptian grassroots movement, this time encompassing all Egyptians—June 30. The exhilaration associated with this victory brought out even more love for Egypt. This love for Egypt is definitely a worthwhile change.

Egyptians are indeed changing, sometimes for the worse, but more often than not for the better.

The writer is author of Cairo Rewind, the First Two Years of Egypt's Revolution

via english.ahram.org.eg

Trade, investments high on Xi agenda in Egypt

The BRICS Post

When El-Sisi visited Beijing in December 2014, the two leaders signed a number of strategic agreements to boost investment and industrial exchange [Xinhua]

Trade representatives from China and Egypt are expected to sign a number of multi-billion dollar deals and investment agreements during President Xi Jinping’s visit to the capital Cairo tomorrow.

Xi’s visit comes a little over a year after Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi visited Beijing where both leaders decided to elevate ties to a “comprehensive strategic partnership”.

His state visit to Cairo is part of a Middle East tour that sees the Chinese president visiting Iran and Saudi Arabia amid heightened tensions between the two countries.

On Monday, a Chinese trade delegation arrived in Cairo ahead of Xi to prepare the groundwork for the agreements which reportedly include memoranda of understanding for Egypt to participate in China’s One Belt One Road economic cooperation policy.

The Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road Initiatives are among China’s most ambitious. El-Sisi had earlier said that Egypt could be a key player in reviving the Silk Route due to its strategic location as a portal for Africa and Arab countries.

The 4,000-mile Silk road linked ancient Chinese, Indian, Babylonian, Arabic, Greek and Roman civilizations. China announced a $40 billion Silk Road Fund in November 2014 to boost infrastructure projects along the route.

In March 2014, Xi said he hoped the annual trade with the countries involved in Beijing’s plan to create a modern Silk Road would surpass $2.5 trillion in a decade.

Egypt seeks Chinese aid

The Chinese and Egyptian trade negotiations will likely also examine ways to further cooperation in infrastructure, nuclear power, new energy, aviation, finance and other sectors.

Specifically, Egypt hopes to secure some $1.6 to $1.7 billion in loan agreements, which local media have speculated would come in the form of deposits.

According to influential private newspaper AlMasry AlYoum, Egypt’s Central Bank receives the bulk of the sum – $1 billion – while the rest is shared between two other major Egyptian banks.

Some Chine-Egypt experts say that the loans could come from the newly established Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB).

Strategic cooperation

Egypt was considered to be the first among African nations to establish strategic cooperative relations with China in 1955.

The two countries have traditionally focused on promoting six major fields: political trust and mutual support, practical cooperation in all fields, promoting exchanges and cooperation, strengthening cooperation in anti-terrorism and law enforcement security, and improving the exchanges of culture, tourism and other fields.

The two countries have also established mutual support and cooperation in international and regional affairs.

Ahmed El Sewedy, Chairman of the Egypt-China Business Council, previously said that Beijing wants to invest in both Arab and African states – the only way to do that is to invest in the country that falls in the middle – Egypt.

China’s accumulated investments in Egypt surpassed $500 million in 2014, accounting for the creation of over 3000 local jobs.

According to the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), two-way trade increased from $610 million in 2004 to over $6.24 billion in 2014, representing a 10-fold increase, which surpassed a target figure of $5 billion for 2016.

Egypt’s exports to China – which includ

e marble and granite, cotton, crude oil, carpets, plastic products, iron and steel. toilet appliances, linens, crystals, glass, fruits and condensed juices, among others – increased from $30 million to $430 million in this period.

El Sisi is expected to travel to China as a guest of honour attending the G-20 Summit in September, local press reported.

 

via thebricspost.com

Egypt’s President Sisi Earns $63,000 a Year. Here’s How This Compares to Other World Leaders

This tells us how uninformed and simplistic our members of parliament are. They should be told how much the president of a corporate business or a bank makes in Egypt. Then they will truly ascend into chaos. 

Egyptian Streets, Mohamed Khairat

In Egypt’s latest parliamentary session, it was revealed that Egyptian President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi earns a salary of EGP 500,000 ($US 63,000) a year.

Upon hearing the number, the parliament reportedly ascended into chaos and a closed session was declared by the speaker.

This is despite the fact that the President is legally earning just less than the maximum wage that a public sector employee can earn a month, which is EGP 42,000. Moreover, according to the Presidency, Sisi donates half of his salary to the Tahya Masr (Long Live Egypt) donation pool.

Regardless, the question remains, how does this salary stack up to other world leaders? Below we’ve compiled the approximate salaries of a few world leaders from across the globe.

1. SINGAPORE’S PRIME MINISTER LEE HSIEN LOONG: $US 1.7 MILLION

2. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA: $US 400,000

3. AUSTRALIAN PRIME MINISTER MALCOLM TURNBULL: $US 341,000

4. CANADIAN PRIME MINISTER JUSTIN TRUDEAU: $US 260,000

5. GERMAN CHANCELLOR ANGELA MERKEL: $US 230,000

6. SOUTH AFRICA’S PRESIDENT JACOB ZUMA: $US 223,500

7. BRITISH PRIME MINISTER DAVID CAMERON: $US 214,000

8. JAPANESE PRIME MINISTER SHINZO ABE: $US 200,000

9. FRENCH PRESIDENT FRANCOIS HOLLANDE: $US 190,00

10. RUSSIAN PRESIDENT VLADIMIR PUTIN: $US 136,000

11. BRAZILIAN PRESIDENT DILMA ROUSSEFF: $US 120,000

12. CHINESE PRESIDENT XI JINPING: $US 22,000

 

via egyptianstreets.com

Egypt parliament to open investigation into state auditor Geneina's claims about corruption

Ahram Online, by Gamel Essam El-Din

Egypt's new parliament will open an investigation into Hisham Geneina's claims about state corruption, which he said led to the theft of LE600 billion

File Photo: Hesham Genena In this Tuesday, April 16, 2014 photo, (AP)

Egypt's newly-elected parliament – the House of Representatives – is expected to open next week an investigation into top auditor Hisham Geneina's recent statement that state corruption led to the loss of LE600 billion.

Geneina is chairman of the Central Auditing Agency (CAA), which acts as the country's main watchdog on public authorities. The CAA has been under the purview of the president of the republic since 1996.

On Tuesday night, a large number of MPs – affiliated with the In Support of Egypt – requested parliament's speaker Ali Abdel-Al to entrust a parliamentary fact-finding committee with opening an investigation into Geneina's statement.

The request comes just one day after an investigative committee formed by Egypt's President Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi said Geneina 's statement has inflated figures about corruption in Egypt and that his statement aimed at defaming the reputation of Egypt.

Sameh Seif El-Yazal, a former intelligence officer and leader of the In Support of Egypt coalition, said he and 50 other MPs have submitted a memo to speaker Abdel-Al, asking him that an ad hoc fact-finding parliamentary committee be formed to investigate Geneina's claims.

"Geneina has deliberately misled the public about corruption in Egypt and his statement was a lot of defamation for Egypt in domestic and foreign circles," said El-Yazal.

El-Yazal told reporters Tuesday night that under the request of a majority of MPs, Geneina could be forced to come before parliament to face questioning.

Mostafa Bakri, a journalist and a leading MP affiliated with the pro-Sisi bloc, said "parliament could refer Geneina to prosecution authorities to be investigated on his misguided reports about corruption."

El-Yazal, Bakri and many other MPs believe that Geneina is loyal to the Muslim Brotherhood and that he is leading a conspiracy on behalf of its leaders to defame the regime of president El-Sisi.

Bakri said after the release of the investigative committee's report that Geneina should be dismissed from his position as CAA's chairman.

El-Yazal said the report made by the investigative committee on Geneina's statement will be thoroughly revised by the house as parliament is the main supervisory and watchdog institution in the country, and one of its main tasks is to revise CAA's reports about corruption.

Joining forces with the pro-Sisi bloc, 25 MPs led by Anwar Esmat El-Sadat, leader of the liberal reform and development party, have Wednesday signed a memo requesting that speaker Abdel-Al summon Geneina to defend his claims before parliament.

"We are neutral and we do not want him to come under retaliatory grounds… all we want is to reach the truth," said El-Sadat, adding that "it is very important to listen to the two sides of the story; Geneina and those who made the investigative report upon the request of President El-Sisi."

Sadat said the fact that CAA is independent does not mean that its chairman is immune to questioning.

"Both MPs and CAA are mainly responsible for supervising state authorities and investigating public corruption," said Sadat.

On Wednesday morning, Prime Minister Sherif Ismail visited parliament to congratulate constitutional law professor Abdel-Al for his election as speaker. Ismail said that once parliament's committees are formed, the government will be ready to deliver its policy statement before the House.

"This is expected to be at the end of January," said Ismail.

Ismail also said that work groups were formed to review reports issued by the CAA after Geneina's statement about corruption.

In 1996, after prime minister Kamal El-Ganzouri was dismissed by then-president Hosni Mubarak, it was decided that CAA come under the supervision of the president rather than parliament, which had long been responsible for revising CAA's reports about state authorities.

via english.ahram.org.eg

n

«البرلمانوميتر»

يكتب اسامه كمال للمصري اليوم

بعد دقائق من انطلاق الجلسة الإجرائية لمجلس النواب والتى امتدت إلى الساعات الأولى من صباح أمس انهالت التعليقات على أعضاء المجلس وعلى ما دار
فى هذه الجلسة والتى أساءت بلا شك إلى برلمان 2015 كما يسميه البعض و2016 كما يسميه البعض الآخر وبرلمان 30 يونيو كما يحلو للبعض تسميته.. كان سوقاً بلا رابط وكان سويقة وكان محل تشاحن على أمور ليس بينها ما يهم المواطن.

تسربت محادثات جانبية لمن يطلب «الكراميلة» ومن يسأل عن عدم توافر طعام ملقبا الجلسة الإجرائية بالجلسة «الناشفة» ومن لعن أم اللائحة ومن تودد إلى نائبة جميلة المظهر ومن التقط الصور السيلفى وإلقاء أو عدم إلقاء نائب للقسم وأسلوب نائب متجهم فى إلقاء القسم ونائبة شابة تلقيه برقة فلا يراها أو يسمعها رئيس الجلسة وما إلى ذلك مما تعرفونه جميعا ومما كتب عنه وتحدث حوله صحفيون وكتاب وإعلاميون أمس وأمس الأول.

ولكن.. مع اقتراب الصباح كان اسم الرئيس قد تحدد وكذلك الوكيلان بعد جلسة إعادة على المنصب الثانى وانفض المولد أو انفضت الجلسة التى بدت وكأنها أول يوم دراسى بالمدرسة الثانوية يحضره طلاب معظمهم لم يعش هذه الأجواء فالتقطوا السيلفى وتعرفوا على بعض وأظهروا شكلاً غير متوقع منهم والشعب قد اختارهم.. ولكن.. اليوم «خلص» على رأى حزمبل بكل ما فيه وأتوقع أن يبدأ العمل الجاد أو هكذا آمل ومن حقى أى يكون لى أمل مشروع فى برلمان بلادى.

من الخطأ أن نحكم على خمس سنوات فقط فى أول خمس ساعات أو أقل فى يوم لا عمل حقيقى فيه بل مجموعة من الإجراءات يطول فيها الانتظار ولا صالح لكل عضو بالقسم الذى يلقيه زميله.. ليس غريبا أن يشاغب أحد الطلاب المخضرمين فى أول يوم حتى يفرض سطوته على باقى الفصل فيقول «نحن هنا»، ولكن مع انتظام العملية الدراسية (البرلمانية) سوف تتغير الصورة.. فمن أراد السيلفى فقد التقطه ومن أراد مغازلة زميلته فقد تم فضحه ومن لم تعجبه «أم» اللائحة عرف أن عليه قبولها وصار لزاماً عليهم جميعا أن يبدأوا العمل ويثبتوا أن من حكم عليهم حكما مسبقا قد أخطأ.

الآن وقد عادوا إلى بيوتهم ونشروا صورهم على مواقع التواصل الاجتماعى ودخلوا من باب الشارع أو الحارة أو القرية فلم يجدوا الزفة الكبرى لأنهم عادوا تحت جنح الظلام بعد أن نام الجميع.. استيقظوا متأخرين فى اليوم التالى فعرفوا أن الأبهة ليست حقيقية وأن الناخبين بدأوا من يوم الأحد فى تشغيل «البرلمانوميتر» أسوة بمرسى ميتر.. الناخب أو المقاطع أو الممتنع سيحسب على كل منهم أنفاسه وتصرفاته وأفعاله مثلما فعلوا مع برلمان 2012 أو أكثر

سوف يفكر النائب كثيرا قبل أن يركن السيارة مع فتاة على الطريق الزراعى وسيتردد قبل أن يجرى عملية فى الأنف ويتهم الشرطة وقبل أن يؤذن وسط الجلسة أو فى مالطة.. سيكون الإعلام رقيباً عليهم أكثر من كونهم رقباء على الحكومة.. سيحصى الفيسبوك وتويتر وانستجرام عليهم أنفاسهم وأنفاس أسرهم.. لقد دخلوا دائرة النار المرتبطة بالشخصيات العامة التى لا ترحم وستتابعهم الكاميرات داخل وخارج المجلس الموقر.. ستحسب عليكم كل كلمة تخرج من أفواهكم.. ولكن..

ولكن هذا المجلس يحتاج لفرصة.. هى ليست فرصة ثانية ولكنها فرصة أولى ولن تكون هناك ثانية فالنجاح فى الانتخابات أيسر بكثير من السقوط فى أعين الناس.. هم يعرفون أن المهمة ثقيلة ولن يكرروا ما قالوه أو فعلوه وسط زهوة اليوم الدراسى الأول والذى أدعو الجميع لنسيانه ولنبدأ من اليوم بدلا من الأحد الماضى فى تشغيل «البرلمانوميتر»..

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via www.almasryalyoum.com

First impressions of the Egyptian Parliament: the good and the less good

After a four-year hiatus, Egypt today has a parliament, Parliament 2016. Egyptians hope the new parliament will bring about fresh blood, implementation of democratic values, and a keen zeal to serve Egypt and Egyptians. Here is a quick look at the first impression the new parliament gave in its inaugural session on January 10th, 2016.

The session began at 9 a.m. sharp and lasted for 17 hours and reconvened again since. A speaker, Ali Abd El Aal and one deputy, El Sayyedd El Sherif were elected. The second deputy will be elected today after a second round between the two candidates with the highest number of votes happens. With 596 members this is the largest Egyptian parliament to date, and its size may be appreciated as far as committee work is concerned, but will be a hindrance as far as logistics are concerned: voting, opportunity to speak, and audibility levels. And the speaker will be left with the task of controlling and presiding over such a pluralistic group.

As the cameraman sweeps across the floor of the chamber, the projection is promising. While smart shaven men in smart suits filled the chamber, smart women (86 members), in smart suits, either wearing a hijab or not, doused our view. The thick burly beards, the short galabiyas, and the long draping headscarfs that reached one’s knees disappeared altogether with the exception of one member. Many waved the Egyptian flag. All seemed invigorated and ready to work.

The scene was drastically different from 2012 when an Islamist majority won. Most members wore the attire I just mentioned. And many dozed off during the first session. The night and day difference leaves us wondering how a country can misrepresent itself so drastically and how it can shift equilibriums so fundamentally and in such a short time.

This is as far as the look of the parliament goes. Now we come to procedure. Earlier I had rejoiced at the idea that Amna Nosseir, the eldest member and a female, was to run the first procedural session. It would have been a historical first, but President El Sisi appointed Bahaa Abu Shaqa, the secretary general of the Wafd Party, who happened to be older than the female member, and as stipulated by the constitution, he ran the procedural sessaion.

The interim speaker called on members to be sworn in. The oath itself was treated honourably by the almost six hundred members. It read: ““I swear by Almighty God to loyally uphold the republican system of Egypt, respect the constitution and the law, fully observe the interests of the people, and to safeguard the independence of the nation and integrity and unity of its land.”

Only three or four decided to steer away from the exact wording of the oath. One added “In the Name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful” he also happens to be the Nour Party Member who read the oath from a script lying in the middle of the Holy Quran. And the interim speaker quickly advised them all to stick to the original oath as is.

And who would cause a kerfuffle in the procedural session, but Mortada Mansour, known for his outspoken and blunt tone? Instead of saying “respect the constitution” he added “respect ‘the articles of’ the constitution” to avoid endorsing the January 25th Revolution clearly endorsed in the constitution itself. “I don’t recognize January 25, that is my prerogative,” a visibly angry Mansour said over the shouts of other lawmakers. Mansour may remain a thorn in the side of this parliament for its duration.

However, compared to the 2012 parliament when 70 percent of the members improvised the oath and added “and God’s law,” or “as long as it does not clash with God’s law.” defying the speaker and belittling from the oath itself, these minor glitches are unrecognizable.

As some members were repeating the oath, the chatter did not end, the goings and comings continued, and an ongoing buzz hummed in the background. This while some were on the their phones enjoying their moment of glory with their families. Obviously disciplined members who follow due process, they are not. Hopefully the dazzle of the limelight will dim down, and members will settle down to tasks and duties. Still, I recommend the speaker enforce a no-phone policy during sessions. It would be wise to ask members to either leave their phones outside, take their phone calls outside, or be asked not to use them while parliament is in session. 

And while members nominated themselves for the positions of Deputy of Parliament, some wanted to add titles such as Doctor, Engineer, or General to their names. Again, the speaker asked them to avoid including titles since as of today, they are Members of Parliament only.

Again, during the deputy positions nominations and elections, the chamber was noisy and members tried to enforce their views on the parliament. Speaking out of turn, speaking simultaneously, and shouting out loud must be prohibited or else, especially with this number of members, things will become unmanageable. Respectful and disciplined members who follow due process and a parliament that adheres to procedural guidelines would leave all Egyptians appreciative and thankful. Disgruntled nit picky members who continue to focus on trivialities instead of getting down to the root of issues and challenges will lose the respect of Egyptians.

The inaugural session was quite agonizing for members and viewers alike, and we cannot base our views on this one session. Let’s give the parliament a chance.

Egypt launches loan scheme for small and medium businesses

GulfNews.com

At least 20% of all loans issued over the next 4 years will be directed to sector, says President Abdul Fattah Al Sissi

Cairo: Egypt’s banking sector will inject 200 billion Egyptian pounds ($25 billion, Dh93.50 billion) to support small and medium businesses, President Abdul Fattah Al Sissi said on Saturday, the latest bid to support Egypt’s battered economy and create jobs.

“I have assigned the central bank to make the most of the banking sector to implement a comprehensive programme to support small and medium businesses,” Al Sissi said, adding that loans for small and medium businesses over the next four years will not be less than 20 per cent of all loans issued.

Egypt’s economy has been struggling to recover since a popular uprising in 2011 drove foreign investors and tourists away. The uprising was partly fuelled by anger over the lack of job prospects for young Egyptians.

Al Sissi had pledged to reduce joblessness to 10 per cent over the next five years. The unemployment level reached 12.8 per cent in December.

“The biggest hurdle for young entrepreneurs is the financing and if that issue is resolved there will be more businesses and more jobs created”, one banker said, adding that with the new programme banks will bear the burden on their profit margins.

Egypt’s economy grew about 4.2 per cent last fiscal year and the government forecasts growth of about 5 per cent in 2015/16.

In November, Egypt’s urban consumer inflation jumped to its highest level since June, propelled by the rising cost of food.

Prices rose 11.1 per cent in November, up from 9.7 per cent in October.

 via gulfnews.com