Egypt

Egypt demands that Turkey recognise 2013 'revolution' to rekindle ties

Middle East Eye

Once close allies, Egypt and Turkey fell out after Ankara condemned what it calls the 'coup' that toppled president Mohammed Morsi

Egyptians take part in demonstrations against then-president Mohammed Morsi in 2013 (AFP)

Egypt has welcomed moves by Turkey to repair relations between the two countries, but is demanding that Ankara recognise what it calls the “30 June revolution”.

Turkey and Egypt, once close allies, have fallen out in recent years after an Egyptian popular-backed military takeover ousted the country’s first democratically elected president in 2013.

This week, however, Turkey signalled its willingness to thaw relations with Egypt, with Prime Minister Binali Yildirim telling state television on Monday that he wants to see economic and political links strengthened.

“Investors can go to Egypt, and strengthen their investments,” Yildirim told the TRT Haber channel.

“In the future, this could lead to an environment in which relations are normalised, and possibly even to ministerial relations – there is nothing to stop this happening.”

However, Yildirim reiterated Turkey’s stance towards the controversial events in Egypt that led to the ousting of president and Muslim Brotherhood leader Mohammed Morsi on 30 June 2013.

“We are very clear when it comes to Egypt – there was a coup against democracy, and a coup against Morsi, who was brought to power by elections.”

Relations between Ankara – ruled by the AKP which supports the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood - and Cairo were officially cut off after Morsi was ousted, which was backed by millions-strong popular protests across the country.

Egypt expelled the Turkish ambassador in November 2013, accusing officials of backing unnamed organisations that were aiming to destabilise the country.

The Egyptian ambassador was then expelled from Turkey, and neither diplomat has been restored.

Responding to Yildirim’s comments this week, Egypt’s Foreign Ministry welcomed the possibility of normalising relations, but insisted that the starting point for any rapprochement must be a Turkish acknowledgement of the “revolution” that toppled Morsi.

“It must be clear that the recognition of the legitimacy of the Egyptian people's will, represented in the June 30 revolution, is the starting point for improved relations with Turkey,” foreign ministry spokesperson Ahmed Abu Zeid said in a statement on Tuesday.

via www.middleeasteye.net

تبرعوا لإهانة مصر!

وحيد حامد يكتب للمصري اليوم

بسبب الحرب الإعلانية الشرسة القائمة بين مؤسسات الخير فى مصر، سواء كانت أهلية أو حكومية للاستحواذ على تبرعات وهبات وزكاة المحسنين فى هذا الشهر الفضيل، أصبحت مصر التى كانت مصراً بحق وصدق دولة عليلة بها كل أمراض الدنيا، وصارت الموطن الأصلى لسرطان الكبار والصغار، وأهلها جميعاً يحملون فيروس «سى» داخل أجسادهم النحيلة والمهزومة، كما تظهرهم الإعلانات الوضيعة.. بالإضافة إلى كل أمراض الكبد والقلب والكلى والأذن والصدر وكل ما يخطر بالبال.

ومن كثرة وكثافة البث صار المرض على موائد الصائمين فى إفطارهم وسحورهم وحتى فى أوقات العبادة أو حتى الترفيه بحيث تفسد وتدمر وتجعل الدنيا سوداء فى عيون الكبار والصغار، رغم أن الدنيا بالنسبة لنا سوداء فعلاً.

وهنا لا بد أن يكون لنا وقفة جادة وحاسمة، فلا أحد على الإطلاق ضد فعل الخير أو يتنطع وينكر وجود هذه الأمراض المتفشية فى عمق المجتمع المصرى والتى تتطلب فعلاً المساندة والمساعدة والدعم بكل أشكاله.. ولكن عندما يتحول الأمر إلى التجارة بالأمراض والتهويل فى أمرها بقصد جمع المال، فهذا أمر لا يجوز ولا يحتمل ولا يتفق مع أبسط المبادئ الإنسانية.

فإذا انتقلنا إلى جمعيات الخير المعنية بأمر الفقراء والمساكين والغارمين والغارمات، فإن الأمر يكون أكثر سوءاً وعدوانية بعرض إعلانات قبيحة ومتدنية لبشر حالتهم مزرية من شدة الفقر والعوز.. وليس معنى ذلك أن مثل هذه النماذج غير موجودة.. نعم عندنا فقراء وجوعى منذ أيام المماليك وحتى الآن.. ولكن المبالغة فى تصوير مأساتهم وانكسارهم تخالف الحقيقة، وأصبحت الإهانة تسبق المساعدة والقضاء على ما تبقى من كبرياء وكرامة كانا يغلفان الشخصية المصرية.. وعليه أصبح هدف هذه الجمعيات هو الجباية وتحصيل الأموال بالتجارة القذرة القائمة على أوجاع البشر.. من هنا كان لابد أن يكون لنا وقفة مع هذه الكيانات التى توحشت وفجرت.. ولأن الظاهر غير الباطن فإن الكثير من الذئاب قد ارتدى ثوب الحملان فعلاً.

يفوز بنصيب الأسد من حصيلة تبرعات أهل الخير مستشفى «57357» بسبب حملاته الإعلانية المكثفة والتى يبثها عبر القنوات المصرية وغير المصرية، وهى حملة تطارد المشاهد مطاردة الثعلب للدجاجة حيث تكون النتيجة محسومة لصالح الثعلب، وإعلانات هذا المستشفى كأنها الذباب الذى لا يمكن هشه أو نشه، وهى ثقيلة على النفس مزعجة ومقبضة تحاول الهرب منها بالانتقال إلى قناة أخرى فتجدها قائمة على تطوير ثقافة التسول وتجميلها إلا أنها تفشل فشلاً ذريعاً لأن التسول له خصائص ثابتة من الصعب أن تتغير أو تتبدل.. أولاها إظهار الضعف والهوان والانكسار لجلب الشفقة، وعصابات التسول التى تسيطر على الشوارع تستغل أصحاب العاهات والأمراض الخلقية وفى غالب الأحيان تصنع هذه العاهات بنفسها.. الأمر الثانى الإلحاح.. ثم الإلحاح.. ثم الإلحاح.. وهذا ما تفعله كافة مستشفيات السرطان وعلى رأسها مستشفى «57357» التى تعرض لنا صور الأطفال المرضى فى استجداء رخيص ومزر.. رغم علم القائمين عليه بأن هذا يخالف أبسط حقوق الطفل المريض حتى لو كان الأمر بموافقة منه أو من أهله.. وهنا لا يصبح العلاج بالمجان.. لقد دفع الطفل ثمن علاجه بأن أصبح مادة إعلانية دون احترام لإنسانيته أو خصوصيته.. ورغم علم المستشفى بوجود قوانين تمنع ذلك فإنه يتبجح ويخالف لأنه يعلم تمام العلم أنه لا يوجد من يردعه أو يحاسبه هو أو غيره.. لأن الطفل المريض أصبح ملكاً للمستشفى طالما تفضل وتكرم وسمح بقبوله.. ومن الثابت أنه لا يقبل إلا حالات المرض وهى فى بدايتها والتى يسهل علاجها.. ولأن حجم وكثافة وتكرار إعلانات هذا المستشفى يدفعنا إلى السؤال المهم عن تكلفة هذه الحملة المسعورة.. والسؤال يوجه أيضاً إلى زكية وبهية وسعدية و«500 و600 و700» وكل من يرفع راية السرطان فى مصر المحروسة.. ومن العجيب والمدهش حقاً أن جمعيات حقوق الإنسان فى مصر التزمت الصمت تجاه التجاوزات التى تحدث فى حق الأطفال وعائلاتهم من الناحية الإنسانية وخرق القانون فى وقاحة، وهم الذين يقفون على أظافرهم انتظاراً لأى حادث يعتدى فيه أمين شرطة على متهم فتقوم الدنيا ولا تقعد.. وعليه.. ولأن الساكت عن الحق شيطان أخرس.. ولم أكن يوماً بالساكت عن الحق.. ولست بالشيطان الأخرس.. وأعلم أن هذا المقال سيجلب على شخصى الكثير من المتاعب.. ولكنى لا أستطيع أن أختزن الحزن فى داخلى أو أكتم رأياً أنا على قناعة به.. ودون توجيه أى اتهام لأحد أطالب بوضع حد لهذه الفوضى والحفاظ على حق المواطن المريض والمواطن خالى المرض فأنا أطالب بالآتى:

1- عدم استغلال المرض فى كافة أنواع التسول احتراما لإنسانية المريض وعدم ابتزازه.. وإعمالاً للقوانين الصادرة محلياً ودولياً فى هذا الشأن.

2- على هذه المؤسسات الخيرية بكل أنواعها أن تعلن صراحة عن حجم التبرعات التى تأتيها سنوياً أو شهرياً.. وكذلك حجم الأموال التى يتم إنفاقها على هذه الإعلانات المصدرة للكآبة وزرع جذور اليأس والإحباط.. حيث إن الأمم المريضة لا تنهض.. والكيانات القائمة على التسول سرعان ما يصيبها الانهيار.

3- على هذه المؤسسات أن تكشف عن كيفية إنفاق هذه التبرعات وعدد المرضى الذين تم علاجهم.. وهل الأطباء يعملون بأجر أم هم من المتبرعين..؟ وما أجورهم وأجور جميع العاملين.. وهل هى عادية أم مبالغ فيها؟!

4- مسألة الاستحواذ على أموال التبرعات واحتكارها سواء بالإعلان المكثف أو الغواية أو الادعاء والمبالغة أمر يخالف شرع الله.. وإنفاق أموال التبرعات لابد أن يكون فى الغرض الذى تم جمعها من أجله ولا شىء غيره.

وتعالوا بنا نلقى نظرة على هذا الموضوع من زاوية أخرى.. بعض هذه الإعلانات لا يكتفى بالتسول وإنما يلجأ إلى الترهيب وتطل علينا السيدة الفنانة منى زكى فى إعلان عن مستشفى بهية قائلة من بين كل ثلاث سيدات فى مصر سيدة معرضة للإصابة بسرطان الثدى.. وتخيلوا أيها السادة حال أى سيدة عندما تسمع ذلك؟؟.. والخوف من المرض يأتى بالمرض.. وإعلان آخر لأحد مستشفيات الكبد حيث يطل علينا شخص وهو يرتدى البالطو الأبيض ويحدثنا قائلاً: فيه ناس عايزة تطلع ولادها دكاترة ومهندسين ولعيبة كرة وتكون الصورة على أناس آخر أبهة.. ثم تتحول الصورة إلى أناس فى غاية الشقاء والبؤس والرجل يقول وفيه ناس عايزة ولادها تتعالج..!! إعلان تحريضى يبث الفرقة ويزرع الكراهية بين الطبقات..!! ولكنها حرب الاستحواذ القائمة بين مؤسسات الخير جعلتهم لا يفرقون بين ما هو مفيد وما هو ضار..!!

أيضاً الكل يتحدث عن المرض وعلاج المرضى.. ولا أحد يحدثنا عن أن الوقاية أعم وأشمل مما يدل على أن المرض فى مصر أصبح بضاعة وتجارة وكذلك الفقر والعشوائيات بسبب نفر من الناس باعوا ضمائرهم وتفرغوا لجمع المال بوحشية أضرت بالسليم والمريض معاً.. الجمعيات الخيرية فى كل بلاد الدنيا تقدم خدماتها فى جميع المجالات بحكمة وإخلاص وعناية فائقة دون هذا الضجيج الذى أفسد الهواء الذى نتنفسه.. وعشرات.. بل مئات المستشفيات فى كل الدنيا تعالج جميع الأمراض التى تصيب كل البشر دون إهانة المريض.. قساة القلوب هؤلاء يبتزون المجتمع الإنسانى ويستغلون الفطرة الطيبة والصافية والمشبعة بحالة دينية وروحية تكمن فى أعماق الإنسان أسوأ استغلال، زرعوا الكآبة فى النفوس وأسسوا ثقافة التسول ونشروا آفات اليأس والإحباط.

وحتى أقطع الطريق على كل منافق مخادع يزعم أو يدعى بالباطل أننى رجل قاسى القلب لا أعرف الرحمة بالمريض أو الفقير أقول لا يعرف ذل المرض إلا من يعايش المرض وأنا رجل مريض قلب وفى حقيبة أوراقى حقيبة أخرى للأدوية وعشت محنة المرض فى الغربة حيث يصبح عذاب المريض عذابين وثلاثة.. فأنا مع المريض والفقير ولكنى ضد التجارة فى أجسادهما.. والحق يقال إن غالبية الجمعيات الخيرية والإنسانية فى مصر كانت تقوم بدورها الإنسانى على أكمل وجه فى خدمة المجتمع.. إلا أن بعض رجال الأعمال الماكرين أسسوا جمعيات خيرية بقصد ظاهر هو الوجاهة الاجتماعية وقصد خفى هو التهرب من دفع الضرائب حيث تخصم قيمة التبرعات من الوعاء الضريبى.. ومع الخير الوفير الذى تأتى به التبرعات تفرغ رجال الأعمال هؤلاء لإدارة الجمعيات وتركوا أعمالهم الأصلية.

ومن المؤسف حقاً أن تدخل الدولة فى هذا المجال الشائك وتنشئ كيانات خاصة بها لقبول التبرعات.. وأيضاً الأزهر الشريف.. والكل عينه ليس على أموال الصدقات وأموال الزكاة فقط.. بل امتد الأمر إلى طلب ثمن هدية عيد الأم.. وتكاليف عيد الميلاد.. وحتى النقود الموجودة فى «حصالات» الأطفال، وبعد يوم أو اثنين سيطلبون منك التبرع بكعك العيد.. وفى عيد الأضحى عليك أن تدفع ثمن الأضحية.. وعليك أن تورد ملابسك القديمة.. وبقايا طعامك.. و.. و...

أقسم بالله أنكم قوم ظالمون..!! أصابتكم حالة سعار ونهم وجشع وسودتم عيشة خلق الله ولم تتقوا الله فى هذا البلد العليل.. دمرتم مورد رزق كان يعيش عليه عدة ملايين وهو السياحة.. من سيأتى إلى بلد شعبه جائع ومشرد وتحتله جميع الأمراض الخبيثة وغير الخبيثة.. مصر الجميلة.. أو التى كانت جميلة يقتلها عمداً نفر من أهلها.. وإنى فى دهشة شديدة من الإعلانات الكثيفة عن الفيلات والقصور والحدائق وملاعب الجولف.. والبحر الذى أصبح تحت قدميك.. إنه التناقض الشديد.. فى بلد عشوائى فيه كل إنسان يفعل ما يريد ودون حساب أو حتى عتاب.. وأقول قولى هذا وأستغفر الله لى ولكم وأختم مقالى الحزين هذا بدعاء أسأل المولى عز وجل أن يستجيب له.. «ربنا لا تؤاخذنا بما فعل السفهاء منا».

via www.almasryalyoum.com

85 years plus death

Al--Ahram Weekly

Amany Maged reports on the Muslim Brotherhood’s current crises

Recent days have brought an onrush of unprecedented crises in the history of the terrorist Muslim Brotherhood. Some concern Brotherhood youth, others the old guard, and still others the leaders who have been standing trial in criminal court, most notably ousted president Mohamed Morsi.

Naturally, all these crises are interrelated and will impact one way or another on the organisation’s future. What is certain, however, is that the Muslim Brotherhood is caught up in a major internal conflict and it is impossible to predict who will emerge as the victor.

The first crisis, or Act I, revolves around the verdicts handed down against Morsi. Last Saturday, Cairo Criminal Court sentenced the former president to 40 years in prison. This brings the total number of years against him, in four of the five cases the courts have ruled on so far, up to 85 plus one death sentence.

On 18 June Cairo Criminal Court sentenced Morsi to life imprisonment and an additional 15 years in what is known as the “Qatar espionage” case. Life imprisonment in Egypt is 25 years. On 21 April 2015, Morsi was sentenced to 20 years in the “Ittihadiya” case, where he was charged with the forceful and violent obstruction of demonstrators and arresting, detaining and subjecting them to physical torture in front of the Ittihadiya Presidential Palace.

Also on 16 May 2015, the court handed down two more verdicts against him. He was sentenced to death by hanging on the charge of planning the storming of prisons and security facilities and the murder of officers and prisoners during the 2011 January revolution. He was also sentenced to life for spying for Hamas and the Iranian Revolutionary Guard.

Morsi was not the only Muslim Brotherhood leader to be sentenced last Saturday in the Qatar espionage case. There were 10 other co-defendants charged with spying for Qatar, leaking national security documents and selling them to the TV station Al-Jazeera.

The head of Morsi’s office, Ahmed Abdel-Ati, and Amin Al-Serafi, a presidential secretary, were also sentenced to life (25 years) on charges of having led an illegally established organisation, the purpose of which was to promote the suspension of the constitution and the law, prevent the institutions of government and public authorities from carrying out their duties, assailing the personal freedom and public rights of citizens, and harming national unity and social peace.

The charges also stated that the defendants were leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood who sought to overturn the system of government by force, attack personnel and infrastructure of the armed forces and police and target public facilities in order to disrupt public order and endanger social peace and security. The indictment stated that terrorism is one of the means the group used to attain its aims.

The court also sentenced Morsi, Al-Serafi and Karima Al-Serafi to 15 years in prison. The first two defendants were accused of having purloined papers and documents which they knew concerned matters of state security and national interests, with the intent of jeopardising the country’s military, political, diplomatic and economic position, and conveying these confidential reports (detailed in Item One, Paragraph A of the indictment), to which they had access by virtue of their official positions, from the places equipped for their safekeeping in the presidency headquarters to the third defendant.

This defendant, according to the charges, then delivered these documents and divulged the confidential information they contained to Qatar, again with the intent of jeopardising the country’s military, political, diplomatic and economic position and harming its national interests.

The court acquitted Morsi, Abdel-Ati, Amin Al-Serafi, Khaled Radian, Mohamed Kilani, Ahmed Ismail, Karima Al-Serafi and Asmaa Al-Khatib of the charge of obtaining confidential national defence information with the purpose of divulging it to a foreign country.

In this regard, the first two defendants had been accused of purloining reports and documents produced by the General Intelligence and military intelligence agencies, the Armed Forces, the national security sector and the Administrative Control Authority and containing information and data pertaining to the Armed Forces, where they were stationed or positioned, and domestic and foreign policies of the government and making these documents available to defendants three through 11 in Xerox form, with the purpose of conveying and divulging their contents to Qatar and those who work to promote the interests of that state.

Following the pronouncement of the verdicts on Saturday, Muslim Brotherhood lawyer Abdel-Moneim Abdel- Maqsoud announced that Morsi’s defence team would examine the verdict during the next 30 days so as to prepare an appeal within 60 days.

Both Turkey and Qatar were quick to condemn the verdict. The Turkish Foreign Ministry released a statement saying, as reported by the Anadolu news agency, “We condemn and express our concerns over the life sentence issued to Mohamed Morsi, Egypt’s first democratically elected president who has been imprisoned since 2013. We are of the belief that this verdict will not contribute to Egypt’s comfort and stability.”

The Qatari Foreign Ministry issued a more strongly worded statement in which it “denounced and totally rejected” the attempt to embroil the name of the state of Qatar in the verdict that the Cairo Criminal Court issued in the case commonly referred to in Egypt as the Qatar espionage case.

“Although the verdict is not final, it is devoid of accuracy and an affront to justice and the truth in view of the misleading claims the substance of which goes against Qatar’s policy toward all sister nations, including Egypt,” said Ambassador Ahmed Al-Rumaihi, director of the press office at the Qatari Foreign Ministry. He added that the accusation of espionage against former president Morsi and the journalists was both “unacceptable and astonishing”.

“This verdict is not surprising in view of the record of the Egyptian courts during the past two years of handing down death and life imprisonment to more than 1,000 people, which were then overturned by the Egyptian Court of Cassation,” Al-Rumaihi said.

“These rulings, which are devoid of justice in its proper sense and which are based on reasons that have nothing to do with the law but rather on other well-known reasons, do not help establish the bonds and relations of brotherhood between sister nations. Rather, they mark a dangerous precedent in the relations between Arab states.”

Al-Rumaihi stressed that Qatar was among the strongest supporters of the Egyptian people since the outbreak of the 25 January Revolution, as was in keeping with the duty incumbent upon brother Arab peoples. He added that his country would remain committed to the values and bonds of brotherhood with the Egyptian people.

The Qatar and Turkish reactions met with an equally strong Egyptian response. Egyptian Foreign Ministry spokesman Counsellor Ahmed Abu Zeid told the press, “It is not surprising to hear such statements from those who spent so much money and effort during the past years towards marshalling their media mouthpieces to attack the Egyptian people and their state and institutions.”

He added, “The lofty Egyptian judiciary cannot be harmed by such unrestrained claims that reveal more about the intentions of those who utter them, as well as their ignorance of the history, integrity and professionalism of the Egyptian judiciary, which dates back many decades. Neither history nor the Egyptian people will forget those who offend them.”

Concluding his remarks, Abu Zeid said, “The relations and fraternal bonds that connect the Egyptian people to their brother Qatari people will remain strong and unshakable. Egypt will remain a loyal sister that cares for the welfare of all Arab peoples, does not interfere in the affairs of other nations and works to protect the security and safety of her nation.”

As for the other major crisis, or Act II, it relates to the ongoing tension between the Muslim Brotherhood youth and the old guard. The youth have, for some time, been demanding internal elections and the removal of leaders they believe have clung on to power too long, and have proved incapable of managing the situation since 30 June 2013, when nationwide protests eventually ousted Morsi. This crisis may be the most difficult, as the internal controversy and rancour it has stirred could cause the organisation to splinter.

Clearly, the crisis-ridden Muslim Brotherhood is reeling under the strains and nearing its demise. But even in the midst of this dark moment, some of them found a little comic relief in the sentences handed down to Morsi. Their social networking sites have been full of witticisms over Morsi’s 85-year-prison term plus a death sentence.

Meanwhile, only the coming days will tell whether the Brotherhood factions will part ways or reconcile and which side will win — the youth or the “old fogeys”.

via weekly.ahram.org.eg

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In Egypt, a Rare Problem for a World Leader

Stratfor

In April, Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi signed a deal to transfer control of the Red Sea islands of Sanafir and Tiran to Saudi Arabia, hoping to win economic concessions, finance and investment from Riyadh. (STRINGER/AFP/Getty Images)

Summary

Egypt's Supreme Administrative Court faces an important decision. In April, Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi signed a deal to transfer control of the Red Sea islands of Sanafir and Tiran from Egypt to Saudi Arabia. Al-Sisi hoped that the agreement would win Cairo economic concessions, finance and investment from Riyadh, but instead it met with stiff public opposition and sparked protests. Judge Yahya al-Dakroury invalidated the deal on June 21, stating that the islands near the mouth of the Gulf of Aqaba "should remain part of Egyptian territory." 

Now the Supreme Administrative Court, the highest administrative court in Egypt, is set to hear an appeal of the decision on June 26. Even if al-Dakroury's ruling is overturned, it still represents a political blow to al-Sisi. Though an unfavorable ruling would not necessarily cause Saudi Arabia to waver in its support for al-Sisi's government, the case could further embolden Egyptian opposition groups and strain the president's popular support. 

Analysis

Ownership of the islands has proved a controversial subject. Al-Sisi's government has argued that Egypt never owned the islands near the mouth of the Gulf of Aqaba. Instead, it contends, Egypt began leasing Sanafir and Tiran in 1950 to keep them from being seized by Israel at a time when Saudi Arabia was too weak to defend them. To support the claim, al-Sisi's administration has pointed to a 1990 decree by former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak that demarcated the maritime border between Egypt and Saudi Arabia, placing the islands' control beyond Egyptian territorial waters. Meanwhile, opponents of the April transfer have presented a number of other documents, decrees and prior court rulings that show that Egypt has been exerting sovereign control over the islands.

The distinction between the two arguments is an important one. Al-Dakroury — who is vice president of Egypt's administrative court system, the State Council — was succinct in his ruling, upholding the country's control of the islands and affirming that "it is forbidden to change their status in any form or through any procedure for the benefit of any other state." Article 152 of the 2014 Egyptian Constitution includes three salient points relevant to the case:

"The President of the Republic shall represent the State in its foreign relations and conclude treaties and ratify them after the approval of the House of Representatives.

Voters must be called for referendum on the treaties related to making peace and alliance, and those related to the rights of sovereignty. Such treaties shall only be ratified after the announcement of their approval in the referendum.

In all cases, no treaty may be concluded which is contrary to the provisions of the Constitution or which results in ceding any part of state territories."

The appeal puts the decision in the hands of the Supreme Administrative Court, where a panel of five judges will hear the case. If the court confirms the previous decision that the islands are part of Egyptian territory, then the treaty ceding the islands to Saudi Arabia would be unconstitutional. In that event, al-Sisi — should he respect the ruling — would need to seek a constitutional amendment to push the deal through. If the court decides that the islands are not Egyptian territory but that Egypt has been exercising sovereign power over them, then the deal could require parliamentary approval and a public referendum. Alternatively, the court could determine that Egypt is only administering the islands without acting in a sovereign manner. In that case, the deal, like any other treaty, would need only ratification in parliament to be valid. Otherwise, the court could rule that the deal was a sovereign decision over which it has no jurisdiction.

Many of the concepts at play here are ambiguous and relatively untested. The definition of sovereign control and the interpretations of maritime delineation and ownership are not well defined. This could work to al-Sisi's advantage in his attempt to exert informal influence over the high administrative court's decision.

The Judiciary and Challenges to al-Sisi

The judicial system has played a fundamental role in post-Mubarak Egypt. In 2012, the Supreme Constitutional Court dissolved the Islamist-dominated parliament under former President Mohammed Morsi, contributing to the rise of the Tamarod movement and its associated protests, as well as to Morsi's ultimate ouster in 2013. The country's judicial bodies have largely been more amenable to working with the military and al-Sisi since Mubarak fell from power, though there are underlying political divisions in the country's complicated court structure. Since Morsi's removal, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) and its head, al-Sisi, have been successful in cracking down on judges favorable to the Muslim Brotherhood by forcing their early retirement. Nonetheless, the judiciary remains fairly strong and independent under al-Sisi.

The State Council, which has jurisdiction over cases involving Egypt's state bodies, was not as instrumental in bringing down Morsi and ushering in al-Sisi as other parts of the judiciary were. But earlier this year, it sided with the al-Sisi government when the Supreme Administrative Court declined to review a 2013 law that severely restricts legal protests, citing a lack of jurisdiction. Furthermore, the trend in Egyptian judiciary rulings has broadly favored strengthening stability, a position that al-Sisi shares.

Most observers think the Supreme Administrative Court will uphold the island transfer. If it does not, though, al-Sisi and his Cabinet have said that they will respect the court's ruling — and the parliament's decision, if it comes to that. The approval of parliament, which is stacked with al-Sisi supporters, is not nearly as significant an obstacle as the final court ruling could be. Moreover, if al-Sisi wins a favorable judgment, it will demonstrate that he can work through the legal system rather than defy it.

Should the court rule against al-Sisi, it could embolden opposition groups to challenge him in the limited outlets where they can. Already, protests have increased over the past few months in Egypt, most notably over the island deal and the state's control of the press. Al-Sisi's honeymoon period after taking over for Morsi is winding down, and his popularity has been waning. Though he initially passed some economic reforms, his progress on that front has since slowed, and the country is now under even greater financial strain. The lack of progress on further reforms, along with cumbersome regulatory and bureaucratic oversight, continues to hamper economic growth.

Saudi Silence

Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia has been noticeably silent about the public backlash against the island deal and the court's ruling. Riyadh would like the islands returned to Saudi control for sentimental — or even economic or security — reasons. But realistically, the islands are of little economic or military value to either country. The proposed bridge to connect Saudi Arabia to Egypt, which would span at least part of the islands, could still be built regardless of their ownership, even if the economic gains from that project are limited. The strategic value of the territory has declined dramatically since the post-World War II era, when Israel was establishing itself.

Besides this, Riyadh's support for an al-Sisi or military-backed government in Egypt does not hinge on the island deal. Riyadh needs al-Sisi to prevent a resurgence of the Muslim Brotherhood and wants Egypt's support for larger security initiatives in places like Yemen. For these reasons, Saudi Arabia will continue to back the al-Sisi government financially to limit the potential for Egypt's financial crisis to cause his government to fail.

Al-Sisi has taken the rare position as a political leader of fighting to relinquish control over territory. Regardless of whether he prevails in his fight, the courts have made an obvious statement by visibly pushing back, and it will be important to watch how al-Sisi reacts.

via www.stratfor.com

Thousands of Egyptian Airport Security Personnel to be Trained by British Firm | Egyptian Streets

Egyptian Streets

Egypt’s National Falcon Company for Airport Security signed an airport security agreement with British Company Restrata for Consulting and Training, announced Egypt’s Civil Aviation Ministry on Tuesday.

According to Al-Ahram, citing the Civil Aviation Ministry, the agreement will see the training of 7,000 personnel in airport security procedures. A second agreement hired the British firm as a security consultant on airport security.

National Falcon is a joint venture for airport security between Falcon Group International and the Egyptian government.

The agreement was announced on the same day British Airways announced it would be indefinitely suspending all flights to Sharm El-Sheikh, despite earlier indications that flights would resume this September.

Egypt’s airport security has been under scrutiny since the crash of a Russian airliner in October 2015 which killed all 224 people on board. Egypt hired a British consulting firm to review airport security in December 2015, and has allocated $US 32 million to the budget of airport security.

The continued suspension of flights to Egyptian cities, including by Russia, is greatly harmful to Egypt’s tourism industry which has been failing since the 2011 revolution. Approximately four million Egyptians work in the tourism sector, which accounts for 12.6 percent of the country’s total employment and about 12 percent of the economy.

via egyptianstreets.com

أول رد من #السعودية على حكم بطلان اتفاقية ترسيم الحدود

صحيفة  الفجر

أكد الدكتور أنور عشقي، رئيس مركز الشرق الأوسط السعودي للدراسات الاستراتيجية، إن الممكلة العربية السعودية ستلجأ للأمم المتحدة إذا رفض البرلمان المصري اتفاقية تيران وصنافير.

وأضاف عشقي، تعليقٌا على حكم بطلان اتفاقية ترسيم الحدود البحرية المصرية السعودية إن ما "المحكمة المصرية التي أصدرت الحكم لبست صاحبة اختصاص، لأن المسألة دولية تتعلق بالحدود، وكان يجب عليها أن تحكم بعدم الاختصاص".

وكانت محكمة القضاء الإداري قد قضت ببطلان توقيع الحكومة على اتفاقية ترسيم الحدود البحرية بين مصر والسعودية التي سلمت القاهرة بموجبها جزيرتي تيران وصنافير إلى الرياض.

وأضاف عشقي الذي كان عمل مستشارًا للحكومة السعودية…. لقراءة المقال بالكامل، يرجى الضغط على زر الموقع الرسمي أدناه

via nabdapp.com

هوامش حول تجديد الخطاب الدينى - الأهرام اليومي

د. مصطفى الفقى - الأهرام اليومي

 

منذ أثار الرئيس عبد الفتاح السيسى فى خطاب له بعد توليه سلطة الحكم فى البلاد مسألة تجديد الخطاب الدينى توالت الكتابات وتعددت الآراء حول هذه القضية المعقدة التى تمثل قنطرة بين الدين والحياة، بين الجانب الروحى للدين وسلوكيات المسلمين، وفى ظنى أن القضية ربما تكون أوسع من ذلك بكثير إذ لن يتحقق لنا بلوغ تلك الغاية وتحقيق ذلك الهدف دون المضى فى سلسلة طويلة من الإجراءات التنظيمية والأفكار الإصلاحية، وإذا كان الأمر كذلك فإنه يقتضى منا مناقشة واسعة تنطلق من معطيات التعليم الدينى فى مصر وتطوراته وتأثيراته على الحياة والمجتمع، دعنا نتأمل النقاط التالية:

أولًا : إن التعليم الدينى فى مصر قد تضخم حجمًا ولكنه انخفض نوعًا، فلم تعد كفاءة الداعية ولا إمكاناته العلمية والثقافية قادرة على مواجهة ظروف العصر ومشكلاته، ولقد أفزعنى أن جامعة الأزهر وحدها تضم أكثر من 600 ألف طالب وأن لديها أكثر من 75 كلية فى أنحاء الجمهورية، والملاحظ هنا أنه برغم هذا العدد الضخم فإن القدرة على مواكبة روح العصر وأفكاره وتحدياته والتصدى للغة التشدد والغلو والتعصب وما وراءها من عنف وإرهاب تبدو غائبة لأن التعليم الدينى لا زال تقليديًا برغم كل محاولات التحديث وجهود الائمة الكبار وعلى رأسهم الإمام الطيب شيخ الأزهر.

ثانيًا: دعنا نناقش فى تجرد وموضوعية السلم الهرمى للتعليم الأزهري، فالطالب يلتحق به حتى الثانوية الأزهرية ثم يتجه المتفوقون والمتميزون إلى الكليات العلمية من طب وهندسة وصيدلة وعلوم وغيرها ويبقى أولئك الذين لم يحصلوا على مجموع يؤهلهم لتلك الكليات فيتجهون إلى التعليم الدينى وكأن كليات الأزهر الشريف الأصلية أصبحت تستقبل غالبًا بقايا الحاصلين على الثانوية الأزهرية، وبذلك انخفضت تلقائيًا المستويات العلمية لتلك الكليات التقليدية والتى كانت ثلاثًا هى أصول الدين والشريعة واللغة العربية منذ تنظيم عام 1928فى المشيخة الأولى للإمام الراحل محمد مصطفى المراغى والتى أضيفت إليها بعض الكليات الجديدة مثل الدراسات والدعوة واللغات والترجمة، وذلك لأننا فى جامعة الأزهر نستهين بالغرض الأساسى لهذه الجامعة وهو التعليم الدينى ونجعله دون أن نشعر فى الدرجة الثانية بينما هو الهدف الأسمى والغاية التى لا يجب أن تعلو عليها غاية أخرى ثم نتباكى بعد ذلك على انخفاض مستوى معظم الخريجين وفقر قدراتهم الفكرية وانخفاض درجة إلمامهم بالمعارف العامة والعلوم الحديثة بينما كانت كليات الأزهر التقليدية هى درة التعليم الإسلامى فى العالم كله.

ثالثًا: والحال كذلك فإننى أكثر اصرارًا من أى وقت مضى على ما طرحته فى العقدين الأخيرين من مطالبة ملحة بتقسيم جامعة الأزهر بين الكليات الدينية وهى جوهر الدراسة فى الأزهر الشريف على امتداد العالم الإسلامى كله والتى يقابلها الكليات الإكليريكية ومعاهد الدراسات اللاهوتية فى العالم المسيحي، بحيث يتاح لنا إعطاء الكليات الدينية كل الاهتمام والرعاية تحت مسمى جامعة الأزهر ويصبح الخريجون قادرين على مواجهة أمراض العصر التى تتستر بالدين ولا تعرف صحيح الإسلام الحنيف ومبادئه النبيلة وروحه السامية وحتى نخرج من أزمة التعليم الدينى التى دخلنا فيها منذ سنوات، ويؤسفنى أن أقول أننى عندما     الذى يتسم لديهم بالضعف. فأين هؤلاء من علمائنا الكبار وأئمتنا العظام! أما الكليات العلمية فإننى أقترح فصلها تحت مسمى الجامعة الإسلامية وتقبل طلاب الثانوية العامة ويكون للأزهر الشريف إشراف دينى على مقرر واحد فيها يدرسه المتقدمون إليها ـــ مسلمين ومسيحيين ـــ فالتعليم كالماء والهواء كما قال عبقرى الأزهر عميد الأدب العربى د.طه حسين منذ عشرات السنين، وبينما تكون الدراسة فى جامعة الأزهر بكلياتها الدينية العريقة قاصرة على الحاصلين على الثانوية الأزهرية فإن القبول فى الجامعة الإسلامية يكون متاحًا للمسلمين والأقباط شريطة قبولهم بدراسة مقرر مستمر حول التاريخ الإسلامى وتراثه فى خدمة العلم والإنسانية ويكون لجامعة الأزهر إشراف على ذلك المقرر الذى يمضى بالتوازى مع العلوم الحديثة فى كلياتها المتخصصة .. صدقونى إن فك الاشتباك بين كليات العلوم الشرعية والكليات المدنية فى جامعة الأزهر حاليًا له عائده على أمرين أولهما عودة قيمة الداعية الإسلامى إلى مكانته التاريخية اللائقة وثانيهما تحول الجامعة الإسلامية المقترحة إلى منبر عصرى يفتح أبوابه لكل الدارسين دون النظر لدياناتهم أسوة بالجامعة الملية الإسلامية فى الهند.

رابعًا: إن الزعيم الراحل عبد الناصر عندما أصدر قانون الأزهر بشكله الحالى كان يسعى لوجود الداعية الإسلامى المتخصص فى علوم الدنيا حتى يتمكن من مواجهة الحملات التبشيرية التى غزت إفريقيا فى القرن الأخير ولكن ذلك الهدف لم يتحقق وأثبتت التجارب أن العنف والإرهاب أشد خطرًا على الإسلام من دخول الوثنيين فى ديانة سماوية أخري، فالإرهاب داء العصر الذى ينخر كالسوس فى جسد الإسلام الحنيف ويشوه صورته ويعبث بمكانته وهو ما يستدعى بالضرورة ظهور الداعية الأزهرى المتمكن من الأفكار النقلية والحجج العقلية والذى يتحدث فى ذات الوقت بلغة أجنبية هذا ما نريده من أجل رفعة الإسلام وعودة عصوره الزاهرة لذلك فإن الفصل بين جناحى جامعة الأزهر الحالية هو تعزيز للإسلام وعلومه واحترام للأزهر وتاريخه مع تفرغ قياداته للدعوة الإسلامية المطلوبة بدلًا من الانصراف لمواجهة كم هائل من الأعباء الإدارية والتنظيمية فى فروع متخصصة لا يكون علماء الأزهر العظام بالضرورة متفرغين لها أو معنيين بها.

خامسًا: إذا كنا نتحدث عن مبادرة السيد رئيس الجمهورية نحو تحرير الخطاب الدينى وإطلاقه لخدمة الدين والمجتمع معًا ولدرء المخاطر عن العالم الإسلامى وشعوبه فإن الخطوة التى اقترحناها منذ سنوات تظل بداية مطلوبة للدخول فى مضمون الخطاب الدينى وجوهره وفحواه فلا تجديد للخطاب الدينى بغير داعية متمكن ومستنير ومؤثر.

يعلم الله فى هذا الشهر الكريم أن هدفى من هذه السطور هو خدمة الإسلام والمسلمين وتحسين صورتهما أمام الدنيا فى وقت أطبق فيه الإرهاب على الدول والشعوب وغابت روح التسامح وظهرت نوايا خبيثة تسعى للنيل من التعاليم الدينية الصحيحة والروح الإسلامية السمحاء.. وللمؤمن أجران إن أصاب وأجر واحد إن أخطأ فقد حاول ولكن جانبه الصواب!أرتاد بعض المساجد أجد أن الائمة يخطئون أخطاءً فى خطبة الجمعة خصوصًا فى الجانب اللغوى

via www.ahram.org.eg

Egyptian classic Al-Leila Al-Kabira still a big hit on stage

Ahram Online, by Amira Noshokaty

Al-Leila Al-Kebira, or The Grand Night, has a 'grand' impact after more than 55 years since its first broadcast as a radio show
 

Photo: Amira El-Noshokaty

Al-Leila Al-Kebira (The Grand Night) continues to have a "grand" impact on audiences 55 years after it first debuted as a radio show.

On Monday, in Al-Midan open air theatre on the grounds of the Cairo Opera House, tens of children were mesmerised by the most recent staging of the classic puppet show.

The show, which was first broadcast as a radio show before it was adapted into a puppet show, depicts adventures and amusements during the grand night of the Moulid, or Sufi Carnaval of Faith.  

The old time favourite is a brilliant operetta written by the late vernacular poet pillar Salah Jaheen, and composed by renowned composer Sayed Mekkawi, with puppets created by the late artist Rahmi, and set design by the well-known artist Nagi Shaker.

The clown, the Sufi chanting, the folk customs and circus, the festival games, the peddlers... in all its details, Al-Leila Al-Kabira brought to stage the lights and the colours of the moulids of Al-Sayyeda Zeinab and Hussein, forever canonising the habits and customs of Egyptians throughout generations.

Over the years, the show earned various international awards, remaining to date the most enchanting and most popular puppet show in Egyptian culture.

But what was really special on Monday was to see the excitement and engagement of the young children with this classic show, and hearing their parents sing along with passion and great appreciation to songs they heard as children.

via english.ahram.org.eg

Saving Egypt from civil war

Al-Ahram Weekly

Saving Egypt from the threat of civil war has been just one of President Abdel-Fattah Al-Sisi’s actions in the two years he has been in office, writes Yassin El-Ayouty

Saving Egypt from civil war was one historic act by President Abdel-Fattah Al-Sisi, responding to 35 million voices calling on 30 June 2013 for deliverance. From every public square in Egypt, the chant against then President Mohamed Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood to leave power was thunderous. But it needed a protection mechanism. The only mechanism was the national army.

But the chants of irhal (be gone) also had constitutional reasons. The Islamist constitution forced on Egypt in 2012 was drafted by Brotherhood hands. The liberals, including the Copts, were forced out of the drafting process. There was no provision in that document allowing for the recall of a president. This was Brotherhood overreach that was meant to last but was destined to collapse.

Deposing Morsi was not planned. It was the result of the obduracy of an ideologically fossilised organisation, the Muslim Brotherhood. Such a group does not understand the art of political compromise. From 30 June to 3 July 2013, a national conversation was begun by Al-Sisi, then minister of defence, to have the process of choosing a president for the country begun again. But this went nowhere.

The Brotherhood Guidance Bureau, then the actual ruler of Egypt, was determined to fight back and keep a sham process going. Legitimacy (shariyah) for the Islamists was above practicality and the compromise advocated by Al-Sisi to avert civil war.

The Brotherhood’s claims rang hollow. The contest for the presidency between Morsi, the Brotherhood’s second choice, and Ahmed Shafiq had in any case produced a doubtful result — 51 per cent for Morsi and 49 per cent for Shafiq. And the choice of president preceded the drafting of a new constitution. Talk about putting the cart before the horse.

Prior to the plebiscite on that defective constitution, in which Coptic rights to citizenship parity were nowhere to be seen, Morsi had declared himself to be above the constitution. A dictatorship was in the making. Morsi became another name for Mussolini. The fascist formula was then taken one step further when the parliament dissolved by the Supreme Constitutional Court on a technicality was ordered by the president to reconvene.

The agenda of the reconvened parliament was one item to be enacted in 20 minutes giving the executive (the president) legislative powers. This was an anomaly that alarmed a nation that since 1923 had luxuriated, prior to the Gamal Abdel-Nasser-led coup of 1952 in constitutional democracy. It had had 80 years of practice anteceding the Brotherhood’s birth in 1928.

With the collapse of the Al-Sisi-led negotiations, the threat of civil war loomed. Morsi had to go; a road map in which the liberal leadership of Egypt concurred, including the Coptic Church, was at hand; a transitional government was formed; an interim president, Adly Mansour, chief of the harassed Supreme Constitutional Court, was installed; and preparations for the redrafting of a new and secular constitution began in earnest.

In all of this there was no coup by Al-Sisi. The process meant the undoing of the Brotherhood coup that followed installing Morsi as president. The core problems of that Islamist presidency were complex: the Brotherhood regarded Egypt as a springboard to a mythical Islamic State; force was the first option in dealing with Ethiopia; Sinai was to be the hinterland for Hamas; the Copts and the Shias were forced into submission; Turkey and Qatar were eager funders for the new Islamic order in Cairo; and a Wahhabi-like theocracy was seen as the Egypt of the future.

These were all the realities of the one-year rule by the Brotherhood, a year that also saw the Islamic Republic of Iran being set up as a role model. Parallel security forces were formed along the model of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards as well as militias patterned along the lines of those created by Ayatollah Khomeini. How could such developments escape the attention of the proud, non-sectarian Egyptian army?

With the corrective revolution of 30 June 2013 came the physical proof of the Brotherhood’s determination to collapse the national will in the occupation by gangs of street toughs trained in urban warfare occupying the Cairo squares of Al-Rabaa and Al-Nahdha.

Weddings were performed, and so was the storing of armaments. Bread was baked, and calls for soldiers and policemen to defect were issued. Foreign intervention was urged, and a mighty propaganda machine was put to work on the Brotherhood’s signal. The two squares in the heart of Cairo were declared Islamic emirates.

Without heeding the lesson of refusing to compromise from 30 June to 3 July 2013, the Brotherhood’s tactic was that the Al-Rabaa and Al-Nahda rebellions would spark a conflagration. The enemy of the Islamists was, and continues to be, the 30 June Revolution. So for six weeks entreaties by the government for peaceful disbanding were responded to with more violence. God was believed to be on the side of collapsing the modern secular state. It was a suicidal belief spun out of the inherent hypocrisy of using faith for the ends of unjust power.

It was not a conflict between two opponents, each of them holding to values common to historic Egypt. It was the onset of a conflagration of existential proportions for the very soul of Egypt with the Brotherhood aiming at the upending of a secular Egypt and the majority of the population aiming at continuity. Egypt’s DNA has never carried theocratic chromosomes. Nor has that DNA ever carried in it the germ of civil war. This has always been a cohesive and inclusive democracy.

Rean on here. 

via weekly.ahram.org.eg