Egypt

LITTLE AND LARGE World’s smallest woman who stands at 2ft meets 8.2ft world’s tallest man for incredible photoshoot in Egypt

The Sun, by Guy Birchall

Sultan Kosen, from Turkey and Jyoti Amge, from India posed in front of the historic Giza Pyramids in Cairo today

THE world’s tallest man and the world’s shortest woman have met up in Egypt.

Sultan Kosen, from Turkey is the tallest man on earth according to the Guinness World Records, towering over the rest of us at a height of 8 feet 1 inch.

 

The world's tallest man and the world's shortest women have met up in Egypt

Jyoti Amge, from India, by contrast holds the title for world's shortest woman at just over 2 ft tall.

The mismatched pair posed in front of the historic Giza Pyramids in Cairo, Egypt, today after being invited by the Egyptian Tourism Promotion Board.

The two Guinness World Records holders will be touring Cairo’s most famous touristic sites, in addition to taking part in a conference in the Fairmont Nile City hotel, Cairo.

Both record-holders won their records in 2011.

 The pair posed in front of the pyramids as part of the Egyptian tourist boards latest campaign

Jyoti Amge, from India, holds the title for world's shortest woman at just over 2 ft tall.

 

Sultan Kosen, from Turkey is the tallest man on earth according to the Guinness World Records, with towering over the rest of us at a height of 8 feet 1 inch

Kosen, 35, was first measured in Ankara, Turkey in 2011 and was the first to be measured by Guinness in over 20 years, according to the Guinness World Records official website.

Guinness World Records only has 10 confirmed people in history to reach 8 ft or more.

 

Agriculture Ministry launches nationwide initiative to cultivate rooftops

Egypt Independent

The Ministry of Agriculture and Land Reclamation has launched a national initiative to cultivate the roofs of various buildings and establishments through new and innovative models of integrated production.

The main balcony of the ministry’s General Directorate in Dokki was cultivated with aromatic plants and vegetables to initiate the nationwide model.

The ministry’s initiation saw peppermint, celery, basil, lettuce, spinach, and kale, among others, planted on the Dokki building without any pesticides or fertilizers.

The ministry’s initiative depends on the nutrient film technique (NFT), without need to soil or pipes made of polyvinyl chloride.

The ministry said in a statement that the idea is based on environmentally-friendly integrated agriculture which allows growing both vegetables farming fish using the same model.

In this model, fish are fed worms and algae, while plants are fed fish waste, and worms are fed vegetable residues, said the statement.

That model does not leave any harmful residue in the surrounding environment, it added.

Agriculture Minister Abdel Moneim al-Banna said that the ministry, which is represented in the Agricultural Research Center, will provide technical support and advice to all those wishing to implement such models, whether governmental or private institutions or individuals.

Such models are healthy and produce crops free of pesticides and fertilizer residues, said Banna. They also provide an economic return, increasing the productivity of a unit area and maximising water usage, he added.

Banna said that the expansion of these models on residential rooftops and public institutions would restore green spaces to the city, reducing air pollution and creating an atmosphere of comfort.

The cultivation of 1.5 square meters of green surface meets an individual’s oxygen needs for an entire year.

The initiative also contributes to disposal of waste stored on rooftops. This waste distorts the aesthetic appearance of buildings, increases the chance of fire, and attracts various harmful organisms that invade the homes as a result, the statement read.

Additionally, the initiative also helps residents living in top-storeys remain protected during the heated summer seasons which bring about extremely hot temperatures.

via www.egyptindependent.com

Brit jailed in Egypt over illegal painkillers ‘to be freed after pardon’

Now why was I sure that President El Sisi would pardon her, but only after the court case ends? He doesn't interfere in judicial matters, but once everything is over, and according to the constitution, he can and does pardon the foreigner.

BT

A British woman jailed in Egypt is reportedly preparing to be freed within the next two days.

Laura Plummer, 33, from Hull, was sentenced to three years in prison for taking 290 Tramadol tablets into the country.

But, according to The Sun, her family understand she will be saved from serving the rest of her sentence after being pardoned by President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi.

The paper says the president, who can issue pardons to prisoners as part of Egypt’s Revolution Day celebrations, is expected to announce her release on Saturday.

Sister Jayne Synclair told The Sun: “We can’t believe it’s over. We’ve prayed for this day since she was arrested.

“We just want to get her home.”

Ms Plummer is reported to have told her family in an emotional phone call: “I never thought this day would come. I’d given up hope.”

The shop worker was arrested at the airport on October 9 last year when she flew into the Red Sea resort of Hurghada.

She was handed her jail sentence by judges on Boxing Day, nearly three months after she was found to be carrying the Tramadol tablets in her suitcase, a painkiller which is legal in the UK but banned in Egypt.

The court was told she was taking the tablets for her Egyptian partner Omar Caboo, who suffers from severe back pain, and had no idea what she was doing was wrong.

A spokesman for the Foreign and Commonwealth Office said: “We continue to provide assistance to Laura and her family, and our embassy remains in regular contact with the Egyptian authorities.”

via home.bt.com

Reflections on General Sami Anan’s failed presidential bid

Excellent analysis by Nervana. Excerpt from Reflections on General Sami Anan's failed presidential bid

Hours after Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi declared his candidacy for March’s presidential election, former armed forces Chief of Staff, General Sami Anan, also declared his intention to run for President. His declaration was quickly followed by many supportive and animated responses on social media from both Islamist and non-Islamist opponents of President Sisi. A few days later, however, Egypt’s army released a statement calling the General’s announcement an incitement against the military, and said it was summoning him over the issue.

The controversies regarding General Anan’s quest for the presidency are not the core issue in my opinion. But his candidacy exposes the flawed thinking of General Anan, his team, and his supporters.

General Anan, once described as “thoughtful, astute, and competent professionally,” by Admiral William J. Fallon, retired head of the United States Central Command, seems to have carefully planned his political comeback. He served as Mubarak’s military Chief of Staff for years, then as a senior member of the post-Mubarak ruling Supreme Council of Military forces (SCAF), only to be later sacked by the Muslim Brotherhood’s President Mohamed Morsi.

General Anan focused on the grievances of Sisi’s opponents, and presented himself in his video announcement as a team leader, rather than a one-man project. He announced two important civilian figures in his campaign: Hisham Genena, Egypt’s former top auditor, who Sisi sacked in 2016, and political scientist Hazem Hosny, his official spokesman. General Anan’s video announcement was also full of subtle but strong criticisms of Sisi, whom he described as just one candidate among others “who may leave the office in a few months.”

But General Anan’s approach and the strategy of Sisi’s opponents were misguided for many reasons.

First, one would assume that an experienced military General like Sami Anan, with such extended military experience, would adopt a cautious, tactful approach toward his own military establishment. Announcing his candidacy before receiving formal permission from the military was a fatal lapse in judgment. There has been a history of disagreements between senior military ranks in the past. The conflict between President Nasser and his military chief Abdel Hakim Amer, following 1967 defeat, is but one example. However, never in the history of Egypt’s military establishment was an ex-General was favoured at the expense of a serving president. The military establishment in Egypt wants to project a united front. Any assumption otherwise is nonsensical and simply delusional.

Second, the hasty support from Sisi’s opponents for Anan’s candidacy—even before reading the details of his manifesto—projects how disconnected his supporters are from the public and its demands or aspirations. For example, none of those who cheered Anan on social media questioned his economic plan. He did not announce an economist within his presidential team, despite knowing that the economy and inflation are the top concerns for many Egyptians. Anan’s supporters were focused on one task: Anyone but Sisi.

Third, General Anan ‘s vague attitude and handling of Islamist groups has raised many questions. After years of demonising Egypt’s military forces as the “ruling Junta,” guests on pro-Brotherhood channels gave various justifications for backing General Anan, an ex-military man, as Egypt’s next president. Furthermore, according to Turkey’s Anadolu news agency, Youssef Nada, the Muslim Brotherhood financial strategist, set “six conditions” for backing Anan, including asking imprisoned ousted president Morsi (who once sacked Anan) to “formally step down.” The timing of such surreal demands exposed the Brotherhood’s mediocrity and haste, and ruined Anan’s chances to get military approval of his candidacy.

Continue reading here. 

Loving Egypt, a newfound zeal

Ahram Online, by Azza Radwan Sedky

A rather surprising but gratifying change is occurring among Egyptians: they are exhibiting their love for Egypt in a distinct and zealous fashion

Most Egyptians have probably always loved Egypt; that is a given, but they also have taken Egypt for granted; they complained, criticised, and chose to focus on the negative.

Not anymore. Demonstrating devotion -- by focusing on what Egypt offers, by defending it unabashedly, and by cherishing its hard workers and great achievers -- is becoming a common denominator among most Egyptians.

Posts and articles in social and standard media highlight the best of Egypt as the country's people turn the page to find beauty in everything Egyptian: its pivotal geographic location, magnificent beaches, tourist resorts, and sunny forecast; its history with its one-of-a-kind monuments; and, today, its swiftly unfolding mega-projects and expansive road networks.

As for its athletes, Egypt hails and glorifies these men and women and their achievements as in no other times. We acknowledge that Egypt has the best football players, squash players, and swimmers. That is beside athletes who excel at fencing, Taekwondo, javelin, weightlifting, and many others.

Even the simple things, the things that would have never caught attention before being photographed, posted, and then reposted online. The packed-to-the-brim souqs, the vendors selling their stacked-on-the-curb vegetables; the carts covered with vibrant red carrots, turnips, and beetroots; and the simple peddlers with grilled sweet potatoes and corn on the cob, and prickly cacti pears are all looked upon with positive sentiments.

More importantly, Egyptians are proud of Egypt’s current effort to emerge from its recent rut -- proud of the improvements that are visible for those who want to see.

And they preface all this with hashtags such as #come—visit—Egypt.

Of course, the whiners -- those who find fault in every achievement while exuding negativity -- remain steadfast in their discontent, but these ones have always existed; nothing new there. Even today these complainers still ask if Egypt has given them anything, and whether Egypt should be given anything in return.

However, it is the new breed of Egyptians who prefer to focus on the best that the country offers. These types are different and actually worth focusing on.

So why are Egyptians suddenly exhibiting their love for Egypt? Why do they find it picturesque and exotic? Why do Egyptians fume on the defensive when western media highlight the negative but never mention the positive?

This newfound zeal is not out of nothing. It is the result of many events, stacked chronologically one on top of the other -- events like the rungs of a ladder. Each rung takes Egyptians a step further up towards the state in which they find themselves today.

January 25th initiated this movement by giving Egyptians a voice. It allowed them to speak out, care, and demand improvements if nothing else. Then the despair associated with ex-President Morsi’s year of reign told them that they were about to lose the Egypt they knew. The worry and utter hopelessness translated to allegiance and loyalty to their about-to-go-astray homeland.

Two stormy years were followed by another Egyptian grassroots movement, this time encompassing all Egyptians —- a movement that the world, today, still cannot fathom -— June 30th. They succeeded and the exhilaration associated with this triumph brought out even deeper emotions that Egyptians hardly knew they had.

And they watched as other countries sank to the abyss, failing to emerge. It is the demoralising scene in Iraq and Syria that told Egyptians to appreciate Egypt and what it embodies: safety, security, and hopefully a better future.

And, no doubt about it, President El-Sisi’s apparent and transparent dedication to Egypt is infectious. He insists that Egypt comes before all, and Egyptians are reciprocating with the same contagious feeling.

When President El-Sisi began his now trademark speech closing “long live Egypt, long live Egypt, long live Egypt,” Egyptians were slightly surprised and a bit embarrassed. At first repeating the slogan didn’t come naturally to them, but in a matter of a few months, Egyptians followed El-Sisi’s suit and repeated “long live Egypt” unperturbed. Now it is acceptable to show one’s sincere emotions towards one’s country.

This love is not manifested in mere words and sheer photos but in actions as well. An unequivocal surge in generous giving never seen before has emerged. Just tell someone that a person is in need, and a torrent of donations flows. Dozens of hospitals and projects have been established as Egyptians donate freely and determinedly.

Then when western media choose to degrade all that Egyptians hold dear, Egyptian ambassadors in the West offer rebuttals, the Egyptian State Information Service responds, and ordinary Egyptians, livid, pounce back. They are also bemused by the complainers who would repost such articles.

When foreigners talk about what they will miss after they leave Egypt, Egyptians respond with what they missed without realizing when away from Egypt. And when the Egyptian diaspora becomes nostalgic, it is comprehensible. And when some call Egypt “Om el Donia,” AKA, “the Mother of the World,” it is said with true feelings.

To all this, we should applaud.

We may have stumbled quite badly to reach where we are today, but we are inching slowly towards where we want to be. True, it is not solely by endearment that a country develops, but without this heartfelt and sincere affection a country cannot develop.

The writer is an academic, political analyst, and author of Cairo Rewind: The First Two Years of Egypt's Revolution, 2011-2013.

via english.ahram.org.eg

Fitch revises Egypt outlook to positive

Al Ahram Weekly

FITCH Ratings has revised the outlook on Egypt’s long-term foreign currency Issuer Default Rating (IDR) to positive from stable and affirmed the IDR at B. 

The revision comes on the back of progress on the government’s commitment to reform in 2017. Egypt embarked on an IMF-backed reform programme in 2016 with the support of a $12 billion three-year Extended Fund Facility (EFF).

“Fiscal consolidation is proceeding, although it will require a multi-year effort to reverse the increase in general government debt/GDP witnessed since the Arab Spring uprisings,” Fitch said in a statement. The Central Bank of Egypt’s (CBE) exchange rate reform has proved a turning point for the economy and Egypt’s external finances and macroeconomic stability have started to improve following an inflationary spike.” 

Public finances will remain a major weakness of Egypt’s credit profile, the credit rating agency said, adding, however, that it expects continued fiscal consolidation to start reducing government debt to GDP in fiscal year 2018.

“We forecast the budget sector deficit to narrow again in fiscal year 2018, to 9.7 per cent,” the agency said, adding that it expects Egypt to achieve a primary surplus in fiscal year 2019 for the first time in more than 15 years.

Primary surplus refers to government revenues minus expenditure before debt service. 

Fitch cited that the general government primary deficit was halved to 2.6 per cent of GDP in FY17 from 5.3 per cent of GDP in FY16. 

The rating agency also forecast general government debt to GDP to fall to 93 per cent in FY18 from a peak of 103 per cent in FY17.

“By the end of FY19, which is likely to also mark the end of the current IMF programme, we forecast general government debt to GDP to have fallen to 88 per cent. The key risk to this outlook is that reform momentum weakens.”

Fitch lauded the improvement of macroeconomic stability from a fragile state. It said “high inflation will remain a rating weakness, but the inflationary spike following the exchange rate depreciation and fiscal reforms is starting to subside.”

Egypt’s monthly inflation rate witnessed negative growth for the first time in 24 months, coming at 26.1 per cent in December, down from 33 per cent in July. The agency expects inflation to average around 13-14 per cent in 2018, ending the year within the CBE’s inflation target of 13 per cent (plus or minus three per cent).

The agency, however, said that “relatively weak governance together with security and political risks continue to weigh on the rating.”

The agency said that among the factors that could individually or collectively lead to negative rating include the failure to narrow the fiscal deficit and put government debt/GDP on a downward path, the reversal of fiscal and/or monetary reforms, for example in the face of social unrest, and renewed downward pressure on international reserves due to strains on the balance of payments.

Meanwhile Moody’s credit rating left Egypt’s long-term issuer and senior unsecured bond ratings at B3, maintaining a stable outlook unchanged at August 2017. The country’s high debt level was the main reason behind the unchanged rating.

Moody’s expected Egypt’s GDP growth to accelerate to around 5 percent by 2019 and 5.5 percent by 2021, up from 4.2 percent in 2017.

Moody’s forecast was part of the agency’s announcement of a stable outlook for the Levant and North Africa in 2018.

via weekly.ahram.org.eg

Women appointed to lead Egypt's tourism, culture ministries for first time ever

Ahram Online, by Gamal Essam El-Din

In a limited cabinet reshuffle, new ministers were also appointed for local development, the public sector, and two deputy ministers of housing and health

Egypt's parliament approved in a plenary session on Sunday the appointment of four new ministers and two deputy ministers, including two women to head the ministries of culture and tourism.

Inas Abdel-Dayem, who will be culture minister, and Rania El-Mashat, who is the new tourism minister, are the first women to head their respective ministries in Egypt's history.

The 58-year-old Abdel-Dayem, who has served as the chairwoman of the Egyptian Opera House since 2012, replaces prominent writer Helmi El-Namnam at the helm of the culture ministry. 

Abdel-Dayem, who is an accomplished flutist, graduated from the Cairo Conservatory in 1984 and earned a PhD in classical music from France in 1990.

Meanwhile, Al-Mashat, 42, a well-known economic expert in local and international circles, replaced Yehia Rashed as tourism minister.

Al-Mashat, who is a graduate of the American University in Cairo, holds a PhD in economics from the University of Maryland.

She has previously served as sub-governor of the Central Bank of Egypt (CBE) and head of the bank's Monetary Policy Department, a member of the board of the stock market, and an advisor with the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

Sunday's list of appointees also includes Abu Bakr El-Guindi as the new minister of local development and Khaled Mohamed Ali Badawi as minister of the public sector.

El-Guindi, the former head of the Central Agency for Public Mobilisation and Statistics, replaced Hesham El-Sharif, while Badawi replaced Ashraf El-Sharkawi.

Bawadi, born in 1970, holds a PhD from Cairo University's Faculty of Economics and Political Science. “Badawi is currently working as the executive director of Al-Ahli Capital group and has a distinguished experience in business administration,” said parliamentary speaker Ali Abdel-Aal during the session.

Additionally, Assem El-Gazzar and Tarek Mohamed Tawfik Amin were appointed deputy minister of housing and deputy minister of health, respectively.

El-Gazzar holds a PhD in urban planning and currently serves as deputy head of the Urban Planning Authority under the ministry of housing.

Amin holds a PhD in public health and currently the manager of the National Population Council.

At the onset of the session, speaker Abdel-Aal announced that Article 147 of the Egyptian constitution grants the president the power to invoke a limited cabinet reshuffle after consulting with the prime minister and gaining the approval of a majority of attending MPs, with no less than one-third (200 MPs).

Abdel-Aal also said Article 129 of parliament’s internal bylaws states that “once a cabinet reshuffle is submitted by the president, parliament should vote on it during the next session, so that MPs can approve or reject it as a whole without making changes, and that the president will be informed of parliament’s decision.”

Sunday's reshuffle is the fourth in the three-year government of Prime Minister Sherif Ismail, who was appointed in September 2015.

A reshuffle in March 2016 resulted in 11 new appointees, followed by another in February 2017 that resulted in four new cabinet ministers.

Support among MPs for Sunday's move was not unanimous.

Parliament’s leftist 25-30 group issued a critical statement, describing the reshuffle as “unjustifiable.”

“Nobody knows why some ministers were fired and why others were kept in place,” the 14-member group said.

"We believe that this is not the right time for a cabinet reshuffle because it comes just three months ahead of the presidential election scheduled for March and April, which will be followed by a comprehensive reshuffle," the statement read.

Opponents said the change should be in policies rather than in cabinet ministers. “We reject the policies of Sherif Ismail’s government which is implementing the IMF’s orders, in addition to the devaluation of the Egyptian pound which led to a skyrocketing rise in food prices and costs of living conditions for the majority of Egyptians,” read the statement.

via english.ahram.org.eg

Democracy, the illusion

The word democracy is derived from the Greek words “demos” meaning people and “kratos” meaning power; combined the two words entrust power in the people. In a true democracy, the people govern. But a true democracy would exist only when all people are of equal status and wealth, and since this is highly unlikely, democracy becomes an illusion. In fact, too many economic, political, and social stumbling blocks exist making democracy the mere mirage that it is.

If half the world, almost three billion, live on less than $2.50 (EGP 45) a day, how can such poverty stricken members of any society choose freely and without restrictions? If over one billion, one in every five people on earth, are illiterate, again, how can they choose wisely and freely?

But even in the western world, where the above disconcerting figures don’t apply, capitalism defeats democracy. Under capitalism, the rich and influential own power. That power is unavailable to the majority and undermines the democratic process.

If presidential elections in the West aren’t big business, I don’t know what is. Lobbyists and interest groups shape decisions and utilize quid-pro-quo strategies—I give and then you give in return—to reach their goals, tipping elections one way or another.

One of the most influential lobbies in the US is AIPAC, the American-Israeli Public Affairs Committee, and according to Global Research, “No politician can be elected into office without AIPAC’s support. No president can take the White House without affirming unbreakable allegiance to Israel, and attendance at the annual AIPAC meeting is mandatory.” That’s not all; “Once in office every member of Congress is expected to act, vote and defend the state of Israel on almost every issue, or face the consequences.” Where is the democratic process in all this?

Pharmaceutical companies are another case in point. US presidential candidate, Hilary Clinton, received over $300 millions in donations from pharmaceutical companies, and had she won, it would’ve been payback time.

In 2012, over 6 billion was spent on US presidential and congressional elections; in 2016, again over 6 billion, in the process affecting results and making a drastic impact on who to vote for. Again, where is the democratic process in all this?

Egypt, though different in many ways, is similar in many other ways. Here, too, democracy remains a misconception. The late Omar Suleiman, who became vice-president for a few weeks before ex-President Mubarak stepped down, claimed that Egyptians “are not ready for democracy yet.” This angered Egyptians who had just toppled a president and believed the world was their oyster.

I beg to differ: Egyptians are as ready as anybody else for democracy if true democracy is attainable. In a country whose population is 40 percent under the poverty line and where millions remain uneducated, Maslow’s hierarchy of needs’ theory dictates. The deprived, unprotected, and unsheltered sect of the society is unlikely to know what democratic choices are, a far higher rung on the ladder of self actualization. They are also unable to fathom candidate platforms, choice ramifications, but more importantly, whom to vote for.

During parliament and presidential elections in 2012, a ration of oil, sugar, or rice, or a Kentucky meal, was the preferred way to buy votes. Staples bought a candidate a following, and yet these voters remained totally oblivious of the harm they caused.

Maybe when the poverty line is lowered and the education standards are upped will democracy enjoy a better chance. Other grounds make democracy the illusion that it is in Egypt.

The tactics behind voting strategically is a sound democratic notion since voters practice their right to vote as they so please, but sometimes the choice is to forfeit the other candidate’s chances rather than to have the best candidate win. This strategy is practised around the world, too.

During the 2011 Egyptian parliament elections, a candidate with the necessary will and strength had two matters working against her: her gender, woman; and her religion, Copt. Interestingly though, neither women nor Copts in her riding voted for her as they knew ahead that she didn’t have a chance, so they voted for a moderate Muslim, a man, someone who had a chance against radical Islamists; in essence, they voted strategically.

In the 2012 Egyptian presidential election, some voted to make a statement; activists sat the elections out unable to choose between Ahmed Shafiq, a Mubarak-era man, and Mohamed Morsi, the Muslim Brotherhood member. Others went the other extreme voting for Morsi to spite Mubarak’s candidate, Ahmed Shafiq. At face value, this is a democratic choice, but voting strategically doesn’t land the best choice in the seat; it merely eliminates the opponent.

Voters often choose candidates for all the wrong reasons: the candidates’ charm, their past endeavours, their athletic prowess, or their academic credentials. Others vote with their hearts. None of this has any bearings on leadership.

Recently, many social and sports clubs—Al Ahly, Heliopolis Sporting Club, and Al Gezira Sporting Club— went through elections. Many candidates ran exorbitant massive campaigns. Colossal billboards permeated Cairo hailing the candidate that could afford it; pamphlets and brochures were distributed daily to members, and Facebook chatter advocated one candidate or another; and, last but not least, mudslinging prevailed.

Despite all this, members went totally out of their way to choose the persons they thought are best for their clubs. That is possibly the most valued change.

So today, union, club, parliament, or even presidential elections are taken seriously and zealously as vigilant Egyptians sort through the hopefuls, weigh one candidate against the other, and aim to choose the best.

In fact, what remains, and is the most important, is the democratic process itself—the ability to vote freely and without any curtailment.

Finally, Egyptians have come to realize that the right to vote is a privilege not the cumbersome burden they had opted to ignore for years on end. Today, Egyptians care and worry about the choices they make, a 180-degree change, a change we should be all proud of.

World Bank agency to provide credit facilities for Egyptian solar energy project

Ahram Online

World Bank (Photo: Reuters)

The World Bank's Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) announced that it will provide Egypt with $102.6 million in credit facilities to support the construction, operation and maintenance of six solar plants in the country, the agency said in a press release.

The agency is set to provide guarantees against expropriation and restrictions on currency transfers, failure to exchange currency, contract disruption, war and civil unrest.

The funding will be used to cover $5 million over 15 years in investments in the solar project by developer IB Vogt, as well as additional coverage worth $97.6 million for 20 years to the leader of the project, the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China.

The six solar plants are set to be built with investments worth $385.8 million, and are expected to provide energy for 349,912 housing units, according to the agency.

The MIGA will provide coverage to the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China, with Saudi power developer Acwa Power to manage construction of three plants.

Keiko Honda, the executive vice president and chief executive officer of MIGA, affirmed the need for further bolstering investment in Egypt to fulfil the increasing demand for electricity and diversifying its resources in the country.

Egypt is aiming to increase its use of renewable energy to 22 percent by 2020, the country’s investment and international cooperation minister Sahar Nasr said in April.

The country has been aiming to upgrade its power plant capacity and renewable energy projects in order to meet rising power demand.

Last October, Egypt signed agreements for the construction of 13 solar power plants in Aswan, financed by the International Financial Corporation (IFC), which is a member of the World Bank Group.

The 13 solar power plants, which are expected to generate 590 megawatts, will cost $823 million in total, with the IFC providing $653 million. The IFC will provide its funding package in cooperation with around nine international banks.

Egypt's new solar deal represents the largest private-sector financing package for a solar photovoltaic facility in the Middle East and North Africa.

The solar plants will be linked to 19 other plants to make up the Benban Solar Park in Aswan.

The World Bank has been working with the Egyptian government to help reform the electricity sector.

Last week, Siemens Gamesa secured a contract to construct a 262MW wind turbine in Egypt's Gulf of Suez in the company's largest deal in the country to date, the company said on Wednesday.

In 2015, German conglomerate Siemens signed a €8 billion ($9 billion) deal with the Egyptian government to build three combined-cycle power plants and 12 wind power installations at a capacity of 16.4 gigawatts.

via english.ahram.org.eg

Manipulative journalism

Ahram Online, by Azza Radwan Sedky

Though journalists want to come across as impartial, it is generally acknowledged that this is not the case; indeed, journalists, being human, are almost always prejudiced and intent on swaying readers one way or another.

I have come to know much about manipulative journalistic measures: I read between the lines and infer where a journalist is going with an argument, and, I, shrewdly if I may add, can anticipate the tone, voice, and scope of media outlets. More importantly, I have come to realize that some journalists work relentlessly against Egypt and are unabashed about that hatred.

It is apparent that most western media are against the current Egyptian regime. Some uphold democracy, human rights, and legislative channels over security and development. Others may be misguided, manipulated, or uninformed. While many others are part of a bigger scheme to thwart Egypt’s improvement opportunity.

We will never know the real cause behind the animosity of western journalists towards the current regime, but here is how they manufacture antagonism against -- if not dissent -- in Egypt, and lead the western reader, and the Egyptian one for that matter, into seeing a picture of their own making as far as Egypt is concerned.

Word Usage

Journalists use words that imply deception or inaccuracy. The verb "alleges" in particular is perpetually embedded in articles to distort facts.

When a journalist writes, “The regime in Egypt ‘alleges’ that the Muslim Brotherhood is behind the attacks,” the reader assumes the Egyptian regime is lying. When he says, Morsi is “under indictment for ‘allegedly’ breaking out of prison during the 2011 revolt,” it implies Morsi did not break of out prison. “Egypt confiscates assets of 16 ‘alleged’ Muslim Brotherhood Members” sheds doubt on these persons’ identities. This is why journalistic pieces on Egypt are doused with the verb “allege” for the sole reason of confusing the reader and blurring truths.

Another interesting verb is "to claim." “The government of President Abdel-Fattah El-Sissi ‘claims’ the Brotherhood is resorting to violence,” misguides readers into believing the government has neither evidence nor proof.

And another confusing phrase is "they said," or "it is said that." So, "Egyptian security forces killed several MB members ‘they said’ were terrorists in Cairo," implies dubious and not verified information.

The passive voice comes in handy, too. The “manifestation of the deeply troubling way the Egyptian judiciary ‘has been used’ as a tool to settle political disagreements.” “Has been used” by whom? Obviously authorities.

Or better yet, they use directive adjectives “Actually, Egypt Is a Terrible Ally” does not imply but clearly states that Egypt is unable to fulfill its role as an ally. Or “It was 29 June 2013, the day before ‘much-hyped’ demonstrations that were expected to give the Egyptian military the cover they needed to sweep Morsi from power” explicitly states that the demonstrations against Morsi were a mere facade to get the military in power again.

And by continuing to call the terrorists in Sinai "militants" and Sinai attacks "insurgencies," western media give the terrorists a right of way. Imagine how repugnant it would have been for the citizens in Paris and Brussels if the terrorists were called militants.

Words are powerful and manipulative, and western media use them craftily to mislead.

Repetitive techniques

Another tool in the manipulative process is to keep repeating the same notion, again and again, until the reader finally accepts it as a given.

The majority of western media refers to ex-president Morsi as the "first civilian president" giving ex-President Morsi a justified presence forever. Regardless of whether the articles need the reference or not, phrases such as “Egypt’s first democratically elected leader,” “the country’s first free elections in which Mohamed Morsi was elected president” are repeated in all articles about Egypt.

“To describe Friday’s horrific gun and bomb assault on a Sufi mosque in the northern Sinai Peninsula as the deadliest attack by armed militants (rather than the state) in Egypt’s modern history understates it.” In this sentence, an irrelevant off-topic lie, "rather than the state,” is embedded. Then it refers to the sadistic terrorists as mere "armed militants." Finally, it implies that the state has done that sort of action before — killed praying Egyptians.

Such twisted information is repeated again and again until some assume it true.

Empathy for westerners

A dicey but manipulative technique is utilised when western journalists defend charged and detained westerners, assuming that, by being a westerner, the person cannot inflict terror or incite chaos. To this effect, western journalists play on the notion of national allegiance, so a detained Egyptian American must be a victim who should never have landed in prison. “American among nearly 40 sentenced to life in prison for Egypt protest” or “Cairo judge sentences Egyptian American to life in prison” demands rage from the western reader and depicts Egyptians as insensitive and unjustified in their judgments.

Grabby headlines

Journalists or their copy-editors use headlines to antagonise and sensationalise. Here are a mere few of such headlines: “Egypt goes from bad to worse: under President Sisi,” “How Egyptian media has become a mouthpiece for the military state,” “Egypt’s Illegitimate President, Abdel Fattah El-Sisi,” “Egypt’s Lost Islands, Sisi’s Shame,” and “Egypt's president is a bloodthirsty dictator.”

Though I find the wording in the above headlines farcical, that is what complicit collusion with those who hate Egypt is.

Highlighting the negative

Western journalists wait in the wings for a goof up, an inadvertent mistake, or a slip of a tongue about Egypt to bring it to the limelight. One can visualize them rubbing their hands in glee as they pounce on their prey: Egypt and its officials. “The fate of 'deported' Egyptian presidential hopeful remains uncertain” exemplifies such an opportunity. Or “how Egyptian officers brutally kill unarmed civilians in Sinai,” building the story on a fake video that aired on an MB channel.

They also focus on trivial sugar shortages, neither-here-nor-there incidences, and mediocre sources.

And once these media outlets err, they never correct their mistakes, so their faulty messages last forever.

Dimming the positives

Why focus on the positive? Aggravate, infuriate, and generate antagonism, but turn a blind eye to any good. Western media neglect to mention the projects inaugurated daily, the new cities around Egypt — the new Alamein, Mansourah, Ismailia, the expansive road network encompassing all of Egypt, and the efforts exerted in economic development. These positive matters are not sensational enough and would contradict the vision they want to establish.

To the credit of Egyptian authorities, none of these journalists were questioned, hassled, or detained. They all happily reside in Egypt while taking it upon themselves to "inform" the world of what happens in Egypt, with a twist, of course.

And that’s the way it should be, since those who lead Egypt are on a mission to improve and develop the country. This chit chat does not construe much to them.

Egypt will continue to weather storms and turbulences — nothing new in that - but western media will neither make nor break this new Egypt.
 

The writer is an academic, political analyst, and author of Cairo Rewind: The First Two Years of Egypt's Revolution, 2011-2013.

via english.ahram.org.eg