Egypt

Whom to believe? The verdict in Samira Ibrahim's case

At face value, everything seems to function in the same fashion—semi normally—good enough for Egypt on any given day. People are still going to work, meandering through the acute traffic, and bracing the heat—it is an unusually warm winter, 30° today, totally unheard of in mid March.

But the events and the challenges are perpetual. More protests and more violence, endless ones, seem to be what Egyptians are left to endure—the Corniche has turned into a hotbed for daily clashes. My daughter’s cell phone was pinched in broad daylight. The microbus drivers are on strike choking the already blocked roads leaving people stranded. And the IMF has yet to complete the 4.8 billion dollar loan it has been negotiating for months with Egypt.

One other menacing event to manifest this week was the verdict in Samira Ibrahim’s case. She, along with a few other women who were captured in Tahrir on March 9, 2011, was allegedly strip searched, assaulted, electrocuted, and subjected to a virginity test. Samira filed a case against the doctor and the military personnel for violating her.

On March 8, 2013, the military court exonerated the doctor. Dr. Ahmed El Mogy was acquitted as the court deemed he did not participate in violating the women. In other words, these women were not subjected to any humility or degradation; they were not videotaped; and virginity tests were not conducted on them. The military junta won—again. 

But someone is telling another story. According to Samira, the women were forced to allow a doctor to examine them. When Ibrahim asked for the procedure to be done in private she was assaulted, she said, and had her arm broken, which remained in a cast for four months. http://bit.ly/Y04BBU

Something is totally out of whack here. Samira Ibrahim couldn’t have brought about her own shame. It is not doable in Egypt. For her to go out in public and complain was an act of bravery of gravest proportion. To lie about it seems unfeasible.

The doctor was interviewed. He denied any violation was committed against Samira or the other women. He also said that a set of mere questions was used just in case the women were in need of medical care.    

So, either Samira Ibrahim and the other women held that night lied all along, and their supporters—the NGO’s and the human rights’ organizations—lied, too. Or the doctor, his team, the military court, and the judges are the liars. Egyptians listened, confused and baffled, but consented. It is the military court after all; isn’t it just and trustworthy?

These kinds of stories where two sides of the same coin emerge are becoming too common and too frequent. How can Egyptians tell and decipher the truth amidst deceit and pretense?

True, by listening to Samira, I sense the exaggeration; on Reem Maged’s program, “Baladna Bel Masry,” when Ibrahim was asked why she didn’t complain earlier since it took her a good three months to file a complaint, her response was, “How could I have complained when I was bleeding from everywhere in my body?” This got the doctor smirking; then his lawyers pounced saying that Samira was in court for another trial from March 9 till she filed the complaint. Clearly she wasn’t bleeding profusely.

On a completely different note, Ibrahim lost the International Women of Courage Award, a high-profile ceremony to have taken place in the White House. The US cancelled her award “after learning she had praised the 9/11 attacks and the killings of Israelis.“ http://bit.ly/Y04BBU I don’t blame the Americans one bit. You don’t accept an award from those whom you want harmed and whom you delight in their pain.

However, the doctor left me doubtful, too. He provoked a false impression; he wanted the audience to believe that he queried Ibrahim on her marriage status and medical condition, and he questioned her virginity only when he asked if she were married or divorced. This seemed farfetched and fake.

This, as many other flabbergasting stories, comes to the surface daily. These stories, emerge, dumbfound us, and then vanish into oblivion, as another totally incredible event occurs. 

My concern is with the Egyptians themselves, those who have lost faith and trust in absolutely everyone: Samira, the doctor, the military court, the lawyers, and the supporters of both sides. In this case, as in the dozen of other cases, Egyptians have no source to rely on and no one to believe.

Because the truth is refuted and contested, nothing is sacred anymore; even the court rulings are questioned. I, as all Egyptians, am lost. Whom do I believe? Do I have to rely on my intuition instead of the facts? And will I ever believe any source again? This is why rumours and mere hearsay are rampant. This is Egypt today.

Egypt juxtaposed

As you travel along Salah Salem Street, a main artery in Cairo, and amidst a jam-packed totally blocked route to your destination, Heliopolis in my case, you see a counter monitoring the population growth in Egypt ticking away. It is mounted high up on the highest floor of a governmental building facing the causeway. You can hardly miss it. When we pause a few cars away, the number is at 83,914,018. By the time we reach the building housing the counter, we hit 83,914,030. Twelve children are born during a flicker in time along a traffic halt on Salah Salem Street.

Every 15.51 seconds a baby is born in Egypt. Every hour 232.1 persons are born. (http://countrymeters.info/en/Egypt/) Does anyone care? And if some Egyptians care, are they doing anything about it?

This baffling realization encompassed in a maximum of two minutes is evidence of two issues: the growth in population taking place at rapid speed and the traffic congestion that seems to have reached an unprecedented magnitude. If anything the population clock counter did exactly what it was supposed to do: scare me out of my wits. I, though, seem to be the only one concerned and dismayed at the ticking time bomb: the alarming population growth. Others drove along oblivious of the counter and its consequences focusing on the traffic snarl they had to maneuver through.

On February 11, 2013, Egyptians once more went to the Itihadia, the Presidential Palace, in Heliopolis, to commemorate the day Mubarak stepped down, and to call for the same for Morsi. Some got injured; others were tear-gased; but many more stood their ground to exhibit their discontent. Earlier on, when protests broke out, the Heliopolis Club, across the street from El Itihadia, closed its doors. Now the barricades have been removed, the doors opened, and life is running smoothly if with some trepidations.

So this time round, while El Itihadia walls were again being discoloured with graffiti and slogans of discontent, and people were being tear-gased and injured, folks at the club mingled and socialized. They munched on their usual falafel sandwiches, breadsticks, and petit fours, and sipped on cappuccinos and mint teas. It seemed as though nothing important or of value was happening beyond the club gates.

Sure the club members were concerned about the clashes, and they may have opted to enter the Club via the back door, but the elder members sat and chatted politics as the youngsters enjoyed their swimming and football training sessions. Blasé? Close enough.

On Valentine Day, and if you were not prepared and had not reserved a table early on, you had nowhere to go since Cairo was fully booked. You would think Cairo had no issues at all but to enjoy Cupid’s romance and love. Next day, another fierce Friday materialized, and the Qoba Palace drew thousands of protestors and saw dozens of injuries as they called for Morsi’s topplement.

Yesterday, during a short stop at the Fairmont Hotel, Heliopolis, I saw four couples and their entourages enjoy their festive and exorbitant weddings. And while Tahrir packed its zealous protestors, and people were marching from one end of the city to the other, the luxuriant weddings exhibited serenity and prosperity. As the joyous celebrated, you, the onlooker, would have thought the Cairo outside was flourishing and tranquil.

So while some Egyptians have opted to ignore the events and move on with their lives calling it quits, others are losing their lives and livelihood in defense and protection of a democratic Egypt. As some turn numb, others protest assassinations and killings of the honourable souls who fell. While Molotov bombs are being manufactured, beauticians and hairstylists make up and dress brides. The two scenes are so different, so utterly juxtaposed against one another that some may think it is a tale of two cities instead of one.

While it seems a positive matter that some are managing to exist and live amidst the chaos, it is bewildering that maybe two streets from mayhem, people are celebrating life. Then again, in any country, the apolitical always exceeds the politically inclined, so it is a given that there would be Egyptians who have moved on and stopped focusing on the revolutionary changes.

With the Ikhwan succeeding in controlling the country, and the opposition not strong enough to dismantle this monstrous supremacy, Egyptians have gotten tired. And this is the real fear: that in addition to the fractured society we are living in, we, the Egyptians, decide that nothing will come out of all this, that it is a hopeless case.

Egyptians watch as everyday a peculiar event beholds them. The injuries, the unnecessary torture, the shooting sprees, and the new phenomenon, rape, have them disgusted but in the long run jaded and glum. They also have no trust in the army or the opposition. Who then will help Egypt out of its misery?

What Egyptians are awaiting is the total downfall of Egypt or an unlikely lifebelt from Allah since Egyptians seem unable to help themselves.

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Egypt’s population is at 91 million, growing 18% in 8 years proving the population counter inaccurate. However, this doesn’t change from the speed by which children are born in Egypt.

Another lull before another storm

A storm is looming; in the meantime, Egypt has been put on hold.

After the referendum debate confrontations and the results that produced a 62% approval, Egyptians went into quiet-but-saddened mode. To them, the results solidified the futility of their attempts to change the course: their efforts had all gone to waste. The revolution had produced an even more flagrantly tyrannical system, an incompetent president who sides with his clan, and a stagnant impasse amongst Egyptians.

Though saddened, Cairenes are going about their businesses in a normal fashion. Mid-year exams are in full swing. Feasts—Xmas, (December 25 and January 7) and New Year are being celebrated.  And the struggle to get from one place to another—the daily commute—remains a consuming feat.

Cairenes are taking all this—the normal, the festive, and the congested—in stride, but other more worrisome issues flag an upcoming storm.

The first sign is in the record-high prices on all basic foodstuffs. And the anticipated tax hike on gas and other commodities, including electricity, wreaks ominous volatility. This while the dollar is slowly inching up against its dwarfed Egyptian counterpart. The bottom line is most Egyptians can’t make ends meet and with the new taxes, life will become extremely difficult.

In 1977, the “Bread Riots” hit Sadat’s Egypt. These riots remained one of lowest moment in Sadat’s presidency. Egyptians today anticipate a similar scenario: the “Revolution of the hungry,” where poor Egyptians will come out in droves to say enough is enough. This is a definite fear because this kind of uprising would not be clean and noble akin to January 25; it would be messy and violent. This President Morsi has to beware.

As a consequence, changes at the executive/governmental level are happening. President Morsi has been busy reshuffling the cabinet—ten new ministers were sworn in. He hopes the changes will ignite energy into the economy. This remains to be seen.

And as Morsi’s ill-equipped cabinet remains slow in effecting change, Egyptians resort to the only way they can to overcome the mess: they laugh it off, with Morsi getting the brunt of the jokes. Egyptians, usually, respect the elderly, leading figures, and the powerful, but Morsi has lost their respect, and I don’t think he will be able to regain it back easily. This is why Morsi is trying to halt the mockery but is unsuccessful.  Many talk show hosts were summoned for questioning and have court cases pressed against them—the guilt: making fun of the Egyptian president. This approach is creating even further laughable moments.

But remorse is by far the worst sensation Egyptians are feeling today. In hindsight, many Egyptians are lamenting the good old days gone by. They know that Mubarak’s era was not good, but they are in a worst state, so much so that they are devastated. “How could we have possibly gotten ourselves into such a bind?” is today’s most ominous reflection.

Then January 25, 2013 is at our doorstep, but many Egyptians feel there is nothing to rejoice about. Two years after one of the most revered and respected revolutions, the dream is shattered.  

January 25, 2013, will bring thousands to Tahrir Square once more, this time demanding the fall of the Muslim Brotherhood and Morsi. Most Cairenes are worried about that day. Though clashes will occur, and another storm will materialize, the path remains unchanged—the course Islamists have put Egypt on will continue, another reason for regret.

Yet in spite of the fear Islamists instill in Egyptians, in spite of the Islamic supremacy sought, at face value, nothing has changed. Moderate Egyptians party, wear tight clothes, drink, and show off their hair—if they so wish. They walk the club tracks in yoga pants and uncovered hair. They go shopping in ordinary clothes heeding no one. A Xmas tree adorned Tahrir Square for the first time ever. Muslims celebrated Xmas with their Christians friends and wished them well—this in spite of, or because of, the Salafi fatwa that discouraged Muslims from doing just that.  In all fairness, nothing has changed and moderate Egyptians remain themselves.

This lull promises to be short lived though; January 25 will bring another wave of animosity and anger.

This is a mere lull. Egyptians await January 25, the second anniversary of the revolution with anticipation.

 

It ain’t over till the fat lady sings: Egyptians can’t but continue the struggle

The results are in for the second phase of the Constitution Referendum. The “Yes” vote has again taken the lead. Between the two Saturdays, December 15 and December 22, almost two thirds of those who voted said yes. 

The Islamists won the first referendum in March of 2011 with an overwhelming yes; they won the presidential election too, and Morsi squeaked in; and now they won the Constitution Referendum cementing their grip over Egypt.

As the “Yes” voters went to the polls, they were not only accepting the constitution as is with its loopholes and ambiguities, but they were also endorsing Morsi’s supremacy and Islamic inclination. It didn’t matter much if these Egyptians truly understood the legality or the repercussions behind the constitution. What mattered was affirming their allegiance to Islamic dominance personalized in Morsi—Egypt has become an Islamic theocracy.

From the start, the Constitution Assembly had tilted in numbers towards an Islamic favour, and soon enough the few non-Islamists, one after the other, resigned saying that a one track Islamic mind dominated the writing of the Egyptian Constitution.

In spite of the outcries that filled Egypt against the referendum resulting in clashes and deaths in front of the El Itihadia, the presidential palace; in spite of a surrounded and debilitated Judicial Court, and in spite of the thousands of enraged Egyptians who stood their ground and told Morsi off, the results are in. The “Yes” voters seem to have won this round, too.

Also, and in connection to the constitution, the Shura Assembly, the upper house, had to be chosen and announced. But many non-Islamists refused the supposedly prestigious and honourary post of being on the Shura Assembly. Though this may embarrass Morsi, it also means more Islamists are being called in to fill the empty seats. The parliament election, the lower house, to be held in two months, will be the next imminent battle, and again the majority will go to the Islamists.

One wonders if the Islamists do indeed outnumber the moderates in Egypt. If so, then maybe it is time for moderates and seculars to call it quits and accept the new Egypt.  

This argument, however, fails miserably. Of the 51 million eligible voters, 32% voted, and of these 17 million, two thirds, that is ten million, said yes. Ten million don’t construe a fundamentally Islamic Egypt.

Another reason why the numbers of Islamists don’t add up to being a majority is seen every time the Islamists rally. The Freedom and Justice Party rally organizers have to bus thousands of protestors from around Egypt to create the presence and the strength. Never have the moderates or liberals resorted to such techniques to strengthen their rallies. All they need to do is summon the protestors and thousands come on their own free will.

Let’s go back to the vote. A legitimate vote that follows strict rules must be adhered to. But was this a legitimate vote?

Actually, violations were in the thousands. (http://bit.ly/YBCnPv) This time round rigging was rampant. There were the blatantly disqualifying tactics —suitcases with thousands of “Yes” forms, the judge who wasn’t a judge at all and who jumped out of the window to escape being caught, and the ads in front of polls encouraging people to vote yes. We also have the good-samarithan judge who guided the illiterate women by filling their forms for them.

Then there were the more subtle but underhanded tactics: the fact that all the judges who agreed to monitor the vote were Islamic as all non-Islamists refused to participate. And the polling station lineups that never budged: these polls were in the upper class neighbourhoods, the ones with voters who would most probably vote no. The aim was to guarantee that voters in these polling stations gave up and left. Some voters queued for six and seven hours.

And in spite of all these barring offences, the referendum results and the constitution will go through. It is a done deal.

What tomorrow will bring is anyone’s guess, but an ongoing of the same seems most likely. The changes we are seeing today will bring only more friction, and the war between Egyptians will get only more vicious. No moderate Egyptian will give in to an Islamic supremacy easily while the Islamists will remain set on their path. It seems that Egyptians are in for a long ride. 

President Morsi, it ain’t over till the fat lady sings, and by all means she hasn’t. Moderate Egyptians will not accept this new Egypt sitting down; the battle continues. 

To vote or not to vote

In May, 2012, I wrote, “Don’t blink or the Egyptian political scene would pass you by” (http://bit.ly/SdhZ5). Nothing has changed since—Egypt continues to face the same conditions today.

Laws, decrees, and decisions, made hastily, are abruptly announced but become void a few hours afterwards. Egyptians have a saying, “the words of yesterday are lathered with butter”—sliding off warm melted butter is easy.  In other words, what is said one day is easily forgotten the next.

This is all true since Morsi became president. Here are a few of the recent cafaffles. A meeting, set for today, organized by the armed forces to bring all Egyptian fronts together was cancelled; the tax hike announced by Qandeel’s government, postponed, a few hours after it was announced; and Morsi’s constitutional decree, annulled. The law that sets the opening and closing hours for restaurants and shops was postponed, too.

And yet Morsi is adamant to have the vote on the constitution referendum on the set date—December 15, 2012.  It is Wednesday, December 12, but very little has been finalized—a good depiction of how this government and the country are run.

The logistics of the voting process are all up in the air. Only 10% of all judges agreed to administer the referendum vote—will this number suffice, or will the referendum be administered over two phases to overcome the shortage in judges, and will this be legal? Egyptians have not been told where they will vote, or when they will vote—depending on whether the voting will be administered over one or two phases. The armed forces will secure the voting sites but has said that a two-phase voting is not an option. (http://bit.ly/VVC7dm) As far as monitoring the vote, neither journalists nor NGOs have been notified of schedule or voting polls.

As for the voters themselves, all Islamists will vote yes—whether they have read or assimilated the constitution is of no consequence. They are voting in support of Morsi and the overriding Islamic presence. To Morsi’s followers, consent is what matters. They approved and hailed every erroneous decision Morsi made in the last six months.

The yea voters choice is a given. It is the predicament of the nay voters that is more worrisome. They are divided amongst themselves. Some construe the “No” vote as an acceptance of the draft; to participate gives the constitution draft legitimacy. These voters will boycott.

The other group of “No” voters,  hoping to create a strong front against the constitution, will vote and say “No.” They hope that they would have enough of a voice to overturn the constitution draft.

The liberal front was divided amongst itself during the presidential election. One candidate, Shafik, represented the old regime; the other, Morsi, represented the Muslim Brotherhood. Some liberals chose Morsi since he was the lesser of the two evils; they also gave him the benefit of the doubt. Again Egyptians say, “Squeeze a lemon over the bitter-tasting concoction and go ahead and drink it anyways.” These lemon squeezers, who decided to vote for Morsi in spite of themselves may have tilted the scale towards a Morsi win. This division must not happen this time round.

Both groups, the boycotters and the naysayers, have valid reasons behind their choices. The boycotters say that the vote will be rigged and haphazardly conducted—proven by the state of affairs today, Wednesday, December 12. The “No” voters are worried that a huge turnout from the “Yes” voters will trump the referendum; this would validate the constitution as it stands.

The Egyptian opposition may remain confused and worried, but they must unite. Voting seems to be the rational option.

My fear is that by boycotting we will have to live with the ramifications of a successful "Yes" vote. If the elections are conducted legally, and the vote is still a sweeping yes, then that’s the wish of the majority, and the opposition will have to concede and abide to the change. At least we will have taken the responsible action, participated, and practiced our voting rights. To boycott would be read by some as remaining disgruntled and ultimately not ready to accept democracy or work for a united Egypt.

On a more positive note, Hamdeen Sabbahi, of the National Salvation Front, urged Egyptians today to vote and say no. (http://bit.ly/SSn0gn) Those who are against voting needed this push to get them to go to the polls and unanimously say “No.”

The outcome is precarious. Let’s hope that the “No” voters come out strong and sway the pendulum against the constitution as it stands. 

Morsi unites Egyptians

I confess, I’m guilty. I had my doubts many a time during the last 22 months. Sure I was for Mubarak’s ousting. Sure I was jubilant when Egyptians became free. I remember jumping up and down and cheering like a child as Omar Suleiman announced on television that Mubarak had stepped down.

But I also had many worries and concerns. The higher the bar went and the more adamant the demands became, the further I sunk into my gloom and doom. Egypt was being torn apart, and it seemed that no one was for Egypt, but everyone was for being proven right and proving others wrong.

Then came November 27—a day almost as memorable as January 25. Morsi had announced his Constitution Decree causing  Egyptians to congregate in Tahrir once again.

Not surprising though, Tahrir saw many new faces. The couch sitters—“7ezb el kanaba,” as they became known, were there—those who never left the comfort of their homes and seemed either against the activists or at least too worried of the after effects of the revolution. These are apolitical and peaceful Egyptians and yet they were suddenly moved enough to protest—something they may never, ever, have done or thought they would do in their whole lives.

The “feloul” were there, too—the remnants of the old regime. They would never have thought of approaching Tahrir, but there they were fighting for rights and justice as all other Egyptians. 

These newcomers joined the old faces in Tahrir, those rugged with experience on how to abate the effect of tear gas, how to keep warm in the Square at night, and how to spend days and weeks in Tahrir far from family and relatives.

Morsi succeeded in uniting them all. It’s been difficult getting all these Egyptians to unite, and he has accomplished it.  The troubling matter is that Morsi has united all these Egyptians against him.

And this time round I have no qualms or doubts; all Egyptians should be in Tahrir.

Just about every action that Morsi has taken since taking oath was displeasing to Egyptians. Even his wheeling and dealing in the Gaza crisis, though he was hailed as wise and pragmatic, hasn’t been clarified to the public. The ultimate ramifications are being leaked out to Egyptians by the Israeli media.

President Morsi has chosen the wrong route. Over and above the dictatorial decree,  he opted to speak in its defense specifically to his followers instead of the Egyptian nation as a whole—an unforgivable error. On that particular day, behind him was his photograph in huge dimensions proving that he may have learnt nothing from Mubarak’s ordeal.

More “incidents” have aggravated Egyptians. Mrs. Morsi, who has yet to play any social role, travelled to Damanhour to pay her respect to the Muslim Brotherhood family who lost its son in the clashes that followed. She hadn’t paid respects to the families in Assyout where 49 children died in the train crash, or to any of the other fallen Egyptians here and there. I say, don’t go if you cannot go to all.

As days go by, the opportunity for Morsi to rescind his decree is slipping. He is proving he is more adamant and relentless in his ways than a country on the verge of a civil war can take. He is definitely not uniting the people but leading them to the point of no return. Egyptians from all walks of life—judges, politicians, and ordinary ones keep telling him that this is unacceptable, and he denies that indeed the opposition exists or is of consequence.

But by refusing to relinquish the decree, Morsi would be proving the following: he is unable to represent all Egyptians and doesn’t care what happens to them, for his allegiance is to the Muslim Brotherhood Party and his followers only. This is quite shameful.

President Morsi must bear the consequences of his action. It is acceptable to fight the regime or lawmakers. It is not acceptable to fight other Egyptians. President Morsi’s decree and obliviousness is forcing Egyptians to take that route: all Egyptians against the Muslim Brotherhood.  

I have to warn President Morsi that Egyptians have learnt not to forego their rights, and they are, surprisingly enough, willing and ready to lose their lives for Egypt, justice, and freedom. Egyptians in Tahrir and elsewhere will not condescend.

Though President Morsi has succeeded in uniting Egyptians, he should wake up before it is too late, for he is taking Egypt to a foreboding abyss. 

The Egyptian will

A remarkable people those Egyptians are.

When President Morsi announced the Constitutional Decree, on November 22, they could hardly believe their ears. After all what they went through to reach freedom and justice, the by-the-people-and-from-the-people elected president deviously changed the rules of the game to his sole benefit.

The decree gives President Morsi free hand to surpass all other authorities in Egypt. In a sense, he becomes the only authority, a pharaoh, as Egyptians have started calling him. And Egyptians, from all walks of life, went ballistic.

The timing, essence, and tone of the decree are clearly those of some advisors that know nothing about politics and, more importantly, about the Egyptian people. The consequences are clear: Morsi is facing the same outright revolt that Mubarak faced only 20 months ago.

Totalitarianism is the wrong way to go and is extremely dangerous especially at a time when Egyptians have hardly forgotten their success against the previous regime. And yet even Mubarak would not have encroached on people’s liberties in this fashion.

President Morsi must have assumed that the Egyptians would be baffled—most probably; angry—so be it; and unable, so go ahead. The Egyptians have proven him wrong. Baffled and angry? Yes, but able and willing.

For the last four days Egyptians defied the president openly and viciously showing that there are many ways that a so-it-seems powerless people can stand against a ruler.

Maintaining the original motto of the revolution, “keeping it peaceful,” they filled Tahrir Square, pitched their tents, and camped out once more. And because most Egyptians abhor bloodshed, they are keeping away from those who may be supporting the president, and they from them—a wise decision by both groups.

The Tahrir activists were joined early on by many political leaders who joined hands and walked together in solidarity: Al Baradei, Amr Moussa, and Hamdeen Sabahi amongst others. They are all calling for the annulment of the decree with all its articles. They vouch no negotiations or discussions will take place until the decree is cancelled.

And Egyptians did not stop there. The judicial system, the hardest hit by the decree, has placed the courts on hold refusing to deliberate or consider cases. The Media Syndicate is considering a tentative blockage of all newspapers. The fury is viewed on all TV channels and resonates across all media sources. This while Morsi’s supporters are trying hard to maintain balance but are unable to do so.

Can a hurting and depressed people unite against the will of a leader? Can those who have yet to see a decent day be willing to fight for their rights resorting to no weapons other than their brains and will?  It seems they can. It seems that Egyptians have decided that this is a good enough reason to finally unite. Another revolutionary wave is in the making.

According to the news and the various sources, just about all Cairo will be in Tahrir tomorrow, and all other cities will do the same. Schools will shut their doors, and businesses will not function.

I don’t doubt that Egyptians will change the course of history, for when they unite, they become a force to be reckoned with. They’ve done it once, and it looks as though they are about to do it again.

My fear revolves around one issue: will Morsi be as peaceful as Mubarak and take these protests seriously, or will he treat Egyptians as Asaad has treated his people for the last 20 months? Now that I look back, I find Mubarak’s immediate and peaceful stepping down the best thing that could have happened to Egypt then. He could’ve stalled and continued to stand against his people; consequently, Egyptians would’ve fallen by the hundreds.

I hope President Morsi has the wisdom and clear vision to allow him to make the right decisions. He ought to know by now that the decree was inappropriate and unsound. Going back on his word trumps being the cause of more deaths and more agony.

Tomorrow, Tuesday, November 27, will be yet another memorable day in the history of Egypt, but it will be the day peaceful Egyptians proved they, in spite of their limited resources, have the power to shift the path Egypt takes. 

United we stand, divided we fall

All liberals withdraw from the Constitutional Assembly leaving Islamists to function freely and do as they please. Mohammed Mahmoud Street sees another round of clashes causing casualties, arson attempts on the nearby school, and the total ransack and burning of the Jazeera offices in Tahrir. The rail catastrophe in Assyot, which killed 51, of whom 49 are children, leaves Egypt reeling. And though North Sinai is in a respite, Gaza faces one of the worst Israeli attacks ever.

The catastrophes are endless—they keep coming swiftly and ferociously. One actually has no time to condone, condole, or commiserate before another event hits with the same rapidity and destruction.

Today, Egypt is living the worst days of its modern history. It seems as though there is actually no hope; Egyptians, collectively, are slowly but surely destroying what used to be a great country.

But the worst is yet to be mentioned. Egyptians have become so divided, so far apart in agendas and priorities, that it doesn’t seem plausible that they can ever unite under one flag or for one cause—Egypt—ever again. My, what a stark difference from the united front that emerged in Tahrir Square 20 months ago and made us all proud. A shameful reality, don’t you think? 

First, fundamentalism is creeping into mainstream Egypt; it comes in various degrees and a wide range of followers: the ignorant, intolerant, and abusive—all together standing as a barrier against the new Egypt. They have, after a long struggle with previous regimes, found their voices. Extremely aggressive and narrow minded, these ultra Jihadists are confronting moderate Egyptians and insisting on their way or none.

Though the Islamists are set in their ways, the liberals are not much better. They, too, are neither listening nor accepting, although they have no clear plan or course to take Egypt along.

Liberals and activists are today unable to regroup and form a strong coalition. They are losing ground. This is leaving them frustrated and flailing blindly and always blaming the other side. 

The Assyot train catastrophe is a case in point. With infrastructure so bad, with indifference so dominant, how could President Morsi have fixed the railway system before an accident like Assyot’s can happen? To avoid such a catastrophe, one would have needed to change the attitudes of Egyptians, the mindset of the working poor, in addition to have spent billions to resurrect the dying rail system. Any incoming president would have failed. It’s Morsi’s bad luck that he is in charge, that’s all. And yet blind accusations and stern criticism have laid the blame totally on the new government and indeed the president.

Then the clashes on Mohammed Mahmoud Street should not have taken place altogether. How can anyone be naïve enough to expect the police force to watch as some protestors decide on reliving the scene from last year or crashing into the Ministry of Interior? Violence was again met with violence.

How far apart are these Islamists from those liberals? Oh, so far apart, so distinctly different that no circumstances could bring them together. And both have interlocked horns and clenched fists, and are set to annihilate. In all fairness, both sides are adamant and narrow minded, and so unnecessarily hateful, that there is no way out.

Will Egyptians ever be willing to accept that Egypt belongs to moderates, liberals, Muslims, Christians, Bahaias, Communists, Nasserists, Ikhwan, and Salafis? That is in addition to the pro-Mubarak, the couch sitters, and the activists?

If we can see Egypt as a home for the multitudes, the shelter that protects us all, we may become more understanding of one another. Liberals cannot deny that Islamists exist and, ironically, will not go away; simultaneously, the Ikhwan and the Salafi must allow some room for maneuvering and stop being so dead set on their course. 

The only way out of this dilemma is to regroup as Egyptians again, to take a deep breath and unite for the benefit of Egypt. Funny though, every time I mention this as the only solution, both sides come out saying, "But the others are the ones who started." This reminds one of young kids sulking and fighting over who got the ball.

What Egypt needs now is a good shake up, a realization that we are about to lose her if we continue along such a path. We must work together and include everyone; we must stop attributing the failure on one group because everyone is at fault.

Let’s agree to disagree and yet work together for a united Egypt.

 

 

 

Yes, we can? No, we definitely can’t!

“His bottom bare yet he shimmies to and fro.” This Egyptian proverb applies succinctly to the responses of Egyptians to the latest events taking place in Gaza. The meaning: if you don’t have what it takes, you shouldn’t be showing off.

The West says that the attacks are in response to the continual rocket falling in the proximity of Tel Aviv and other Israeli towns. It also looks at these incidents in separation of one another and of the original crisis; none consider the agony that these people have suffered for decades; they simply look at the Palestinians and say, ‘You are starting another round again?” as though the Palestinians have been living peacefully and serenely all along and forgetting that these people are imprisoned on their own land.

The Arab World, outraged, insists that Israel is behaving barbarically, killing innocent children, and slaughtering an already beaten-down people. It is also enticing its leaders to break the truce; “Go for it! Kill your enemy! Stop the talk and act; get to it,” they are saying.

It is not important who started this round anymore. Rockets are indeed falling on Israel, and Israel is attacking Gaza with a vengeance. It seems that an escalation is imminent. And since it isn’t a fight between equals, Gazans are yet again having their precious but desolate homeland demolished.  

Infuriated and disgusted, I must condemn the happenings, but this is not our issue today. Our issue is with the raucous that seems to resonate in Egypt with regard to what action Egypt should take.  

But before we consider Egypt’s action, we need to turn to a different front altogether, but a very important one nonetheless. Egypt is on the brink of bankruptcy. It has had 20 months of absolute dysfunction, and no end is in sight. Qandil’s government has just announced that subsidy on gas will be lifted causing gas to double, if not triple, in price. No doubt people will return to the streets in what some call the “revolution of the poor,” those who have been hit the hardest in all this.

In addition, Egypt is unable to protect its border let alone strap on another war.  Radical Islamists continue to attack checkpoints and kill soldiers. The Jihadist from within Egypt and those crossing the border through the tunnels from Gaza are adamant to hit Egypt hard. So far nothing worthwhile has been accomplished in this regard.

Then, Egypt’s productivity is at an all-time-low. Currently, Egypt has no tourism sector to talk about, and 25 percent of Egypt’s working force is jobless. The streets are packed with vendors hoping to gain a meager few pounds a day since no permanent jobs exist.

But most importantly Egypt’s army forces, for months, had replaced the police force in protecting Egyptians from themselves. And in spite of its immense role, it remained marginalized and degraded. And with the many upheavals it has had to face—Copts evictions, police force protests, Sinai targeted—the army is fatigued and exhausted.

Besides, and due to the years of peace that Egypt has been enjoying, the army has diverted its attention to work on other areas: building bridges, opening factories, paving roads, etc. It seems to have been focusing on these efforts instead of its main goal of protecting the country and responding to enemies. Its ability to participate in a full-fledged war is doubtful.

And now some are calling on President Morsi to take action and join the fighting forces against Israel. They want a forceful response, which would make Israel fear its neighbours and bow with respect and shame. They want to widen this war even further, now, today, again.

Escalating matters would be fatalistic. Egyptians should be aware of the consequences. So far Egypt has not yet reached doomsday; this approach would take it there. The repercussions of a war would undoubtedly be the final straw that would get Egypt down on its knees.

To fight a war, you must be first, fully aware of the consequences—the best scenario and the worst scenario; two, be able to realize your enemy’s abilities; three, understand where you stand exactly in terms of your capabilities. And an answer to all these demands is a simple word: fiasco.

It is not shameful to know how far you can go. I personally don’t find it embarrassing to say that we cannot fight a war.  Sadat’s words come to mind. He knew that the US would never allow Israel to fall, and since Egypt cannot fight the US, peace was the way to go.

Being realistic and rational are not Egyptian tenets. If Egyptians were so, they would realize that denouncing is all what Egypt can do for now. If some Egyptians want to fight, then they should by all means cross into Gaza, fight amongst the Gazaans, and give their lives to their cause.

While the other Egyptians should stop shimmying until they can cover themselves.  

مش سيادتك رئيس كل المصريين برضه؟

اول مقاله لي باللغه العربيه: ياتشجعوني ياترموني بالبيض والطماطم والطوب كمان.

ياسيادة الرئيس وقفت في اوائل ايام حكمك وقلت بالفم المليان وبكل انسانيه ووطنيه انك سوف تكون رئيس لكل المصريين. وعدتهم من الكبير لصغير من المسلم للمسيحي من الست للراجل ووعد الحر دين. وشعرت في ساعتها ان في امل. صحيح رئيسنا ذو انتماء اخواني بس حلف لنا انه حايبقي رئيسنا كلنا. اخاف ليه بقي؟

وبعد هذه الوعود صارالي صار و تركت الشعب يعوي وياكل في بعضه: المسلم بياكل المسيحي والاخواني بيشتم الليبرالي والعلماني قرب يتعلق من المشنقه.

بعد البدايه الطيبه سبتنا للتهلكه ناكل في بعض. شوف وصلنا فين دلوقتي. اولا لم يري المسيحين يوم  مش مظلم منذ توليك سلطة البلاد. انا مش بقول ان سيادتك السبب, بل بالعكس انا متاكده انك ملكش اي دعوه بالافعال المشينه الي بتم اليومين دولة من تهجير واستيلاء بالقوه واختطاف ومشاجرات وتطاول. لا انا متاكده انك ملكش اي صله بكل التصرفات ديه.

وبغض النظر مين السبب كل يوم نصحي علي اهانه جديده--النهارده بنت اتخطفت, بكره كنيسه اتهدمت, بعده دخول ارض بجانب الكنيسه واعتبارهما مكان للصلاه (للمسلمين طبعا) واكثر الاساءه جت في صورة تهجير. ناس عاشت في بيوتها وقراها سنين النهارده, في عهدك تطرد من بيوتها لاسباب واهيه مليئه بالطغيان والعنجهيه.

ومع ذلك فلك دور يارئيس كل المصريين. دورك ان تلفت انتباه هولاء المتطرفين ان اساءه مصري اي كانت ديانته تعتبر اهانه لشخصك انت. يجب ان تلفت انتباه كل من يسئ لمصر واولادها اننا حنقبض عليهم وحاياخذوا اشد عقاب علشان يحسوا ان الدنيا مش سهله ومش سايبه وان في مصري قوي اسمه الرئيس مرسي بيحكم البلد وبيخاف علي اولادها كلهم.... كلهم يارئيس مصر.... كلهم فرد فرد بدون تمييز او تفريق او تعالي علي واحد فوق الثاني. 

الي بيحصل في مصر اساءه لمصريتنا كلنا. لما باشوف المسيحي بيتهان انا بتهان. لما باشوف المسلم بيتكابر انا بتكسف. لما باشوفك مش بتتصرف انا بتقهر. ولابد اني اذكرك اني مسلمه والمسلمين الي بيعانوا اليوم من وجود مصر علي حافة الحرب الاهليه كثير. وكثير منهم بيقولوا الله فين ايام زمان لما كان كل الاجناس والاديان عايشه مع بعضها. الله يرحم. 

وبعد ماقلت ان سيادتك رئيس كل المصريين بدات تخطب من الجوامع موءكدا انك رئيس المسلمين فقط. ازاي ياسيادة الرئيس تكلم المسيحين من داخل الجامع؟ وفرضا قررت قرار حازم او قرار تاريخي من داخل الجامع تبقي بتكلم ٩٠٪ من الشعب واعتبرت ال١٠٪ الباقيه غير مهمه ومهمشه ويبقوا يعرفوا الاخبار من اصحابهم او من الجرايد والمجلات. او يفهموها وهي طايره كده.

أنا كمان عايزه افكرك بشي يمكن سيادتك تكون مش واخذ بالك منه. الاقباط ناس بطبعهم مسالمين وكافين خيرهم شرهم. بيحاولوا يعيشوا كما وجهم سيدنا المسيح. بيقولهم يحبوا اعداهم وبيقولهم ان ضربك شخص علي خدك حول له الايسر.  ولذلك فهم مش بيحاولوا زيادة الطين بله بالعكس قابلين بالعك الي بيحصل لهم وراضين بالي قسمه لهم ربنا. 

نقوم احنا يامسلمين نستغل هذه السمه في اشخاصهم ونحاول بكل الطرق ان نستهين بيهم ونطردهم اشد  طرده من ديارهم ونخطف بناتهم ونزيل كنائسهم؟ يرضيك ياسيادة الرئيس هذا الاسلوب. معلهش هو الاسلام قال كده برضه. ده الاسلام دين السلام . 

المشكله المعضله ان لو كان الاقباط يحملوا الضغينه في قلوبهم ومستعدين للحرب لكانت مصر علي ابواب حرب اهليه. بس الحمد لله ان مصر باهلها الطيبين مش مستعده لهذا النوع من الحرب والخراب ولو كنا في بلد اخري لكانت مصر قامت عليها واطيها.  

هل بامكانك ان توحد صفوف المصرين؟ ايوه انا متاكده من كده. المصريين الي بيحاولوا يخلقوا مشاكل الان هم المسلمين--مش كلهم طبعا--بس المتحيز والمتاسلم والعنصري والطاغي منهم. اما بقيت المسلمين فعايشين في حالهم برضه كافيين خيرهم شرهم وبيرفعوا ايديهم للسماء بيطلبوا النجده من ربنا. 

نرجع ثاني لنفس السوال. هل بامكانك توحيد صفوف المصريين؟ طبعا. بالتشاور: انت اكثر من اي شخص بامكانه التشاور معهم. ثم بالتحذير: مصر فوق الجميع ومن يعمل علي دخول مصر في متهات ضاريه سوف يعاقب اشد عقاب ثم بالدين الاسلامي الحنيف: فهمهم ازاي الدين الاسلامي بيحامي المحتاج والغريب ويعتبر الدين الي بيحب للبشر اجمعين السلام .

وطبعا حايسمعوا كلامك. لو كان الي حايكلمهم ده مبارك او السادات احتمال ماكانوش سمعوا كلامه بس سيادتك الرئيس المسلم--كم كان هولاء يتمنوا قدومك وهاانت قد وصلت الي مصر.

مصر ياسيادة الرئيس عند منعطف شديد الخطوره. ياتروح وراء الشمس ياتكمل المشوار الي الامام. وبكره التاريخ والناس والمصريين ياحايحلفوا بحياه الرئيس الي لم شمل مصر واذاب الفروقات او التاريخ حيتذكر ان في عهد الرئيس مرسي وصلت مصر الي الحضيض ورخص فيها الانسان المصري وتهاون المصري مع اخيه واصبح المصري مش امن في مسكنه او في بلدته.

ارجو اني اكون قد وصلت لك نيتي الصافيه في علاج الوضع الاجتماعي السئ الي مصر عايشه فيه اليومين دولة وياريت تكون سمعني ومستعد تساعد مصر توصل الي بر الامان.

سوف يتكلم التاريخ عن زعامتك ويقول هذا الرئيس وحد مصر او حايقول هذا الرئيس ضيع مصر لان الرئيس دائما مسئول مسئوليه كامله امام شعبه وامام التاريخ. الطريق صعب والاختيارات اصعب بس اكيد حاتقدر توحد مصر مره ثانيه. شد حيلك وحكم ضميرك واعمل لمصر.